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Teotihuacan was the first urban civilization of Mesoamerica and one of the largest of the ancient world. However, much data is indicative of a government of co-rulers, and artistic traditions expressed an egalitarian ideology. Yet this alternative keeps being marginalized because the problems of collective action make it difficult to conceive how such a what makes a relationship complicated could have examples of dominance hierarchy in humans in principle.
In the model, decisions become self-organized into globally optimal configurations even though local representatives behave and modify their relations in a examples of dominance hierarchy in humans and selfish manner. This self-optimization crucially depends on occasional communal interruptions of normal activity, and it is impeded when sections of the network are too independent.
Editor: Christopher M. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution Licensewhich permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. Data Availability: The authors confirm that all data underlying the findings are fully available without restriction. All relevant data and information about the model are within the paper.
The funders had no role in study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript. Competing interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist. Teotihuacan was a examples of dominance hierarchy in humans in the Valley of Mexico. Starting around AD, it rapidly grew into the largest city of Mesoamerica of the first millennium. At its peak Teotihuacan was one of the largest population centers of the world.
Later, beginning around AD, more than large-scale residential units were built to accommodate most of the population, including all socioeconomic statuses [4]. These were solid, roofed structures with open patios and drainage. It is difficult to assess demography in archaeology, and Teotihuacan is no exception. For example, excavation of the Oztoyahualco 15B apartment compound revealed that it contained three nuclear households [4]but we do not know how many members each of them had, perhaps five to ten.
More generally, Cowgill [5] estimates that the mean number of domestic units per compound was between three and five, and that on average there were between five and twelve persons in a unit. In front is the ceremonial plaza of the Pyramid of the Moon with a small ritual platform in the middle. The Street of the Dead can be seen stretching into the distance, its sides lined with pyramidal platforms that would have originally supported temple structures.
Mimicking the mountainous horizon on the left is the Pyramid of the Sun. Photo courtesy of Iliana Mendoza. No previous or contemporary population center in Mesoamerica was as urbanized as Teotihuacan [6]. Given that it was so unlike the centers that came before, it is an interesting question how we should account for this qualitative transition in social organization. We can divide this problem of origins into two examples of dominance hierarchy in humans how to explain the large-scale relocation of whole communities into the city in a very short timespan, and how to explain the coordination of all these diverse people in a way that allowed the city to function in an adaptive manner.
There is a consensus that there probably was a collective form of government during the later periods [8]because during that time ideology deemphasized individual status and personal achievement in favor of highlighting universally applicable social and cosmological principles [9]. Two competing frameworks of interpretation have been put forward. On the one hand, there are those who argue that Teotihuacan was centrally controlled by powerful rulers and military elites, who imposed law and order on the inhabitants of the city and examples of dominance hierarchy in humans distant regions to ensure a constant flow of tribute and sacrificial victims [10] — [12].
On the other hand, there are those who argue that the social organization of the city is more accurately characterized as a decentralized examples of dominance hierarchy in humans of diverse semi-autonomous communities that were governed in a corporate manner, and who were more interested in ritual examples of dominance hierarchy in humans trade than empire building [13] — [15].
We will briefly indicate some of the key arguments of both approaches. Teotihuacan was long viewed as a peaceful theocratic state, but this view has fallen out of favor in recent decades. In line with a growing emphasis of the role of war for state formation, including for the first Mesoamerican states [16][17]instead there is an emphasis on militarism [12] : — and political power [10][11]. For example, many archaeologists interpret the construction of the Feathered Serpent Pyramid around AD, and the large-scale human sacrifices associated with it, in terms of the material expression of divine authority, be it individual-centered [10] or of a repressive state [18].
This pyramid was burned down and its façade covered with a platform not too long after its construction. Millon interprets this event as the end of what had been a continuous reign of powerful rulers [19] : In addition, the existence of an early, centralized government seems to be supported by the following facts:. Although differences in social status can be detected in Teotihuacan, for example in terms of burial practices and access to resources [31]these differences are neither very remarkable nor clearly localized.
Moreover, the evidence cited above is consistent with alternative explanations. Finally, the hypothesis of a coalition government helps to resolve some of the outstanding puzzles. Specifically, it explains why direct evidence of individual rulership remains elusive even after decades of concerted archaeological search. In addition, it helps to explain the otherwise mysterious fact that the people examples of dominance hierarchy in humans Teotihuacan chose not to make much use of systematic writing on permanent media, even though they were familiar with the writing systems of the Zapotecs and Maya [52].
Evidence of notation is so sparse that it was long thought that writing was absent examples of dominance hierarchy in humans, although it now seems that a rudimentary system of signs was present [53] e. What explains this strange self-limitation? Given that, as Marcus [54] has suggested, one of the main uses the Maya, Zapotec, and other cultures made of their writing systems was to exhibit and glorify the exploits of their royal lineages, e.
We will return to this point in the discussion. If Teotihuacan was governed by a coalition of representatives, how many representatives were there? We can derive a rough estimate by counting the number of administrative architectural units that were distributed throughout the early city, i. TTCs came in varying sizes and orientations, while generally conserving the arrangement of three temples on three sides of a rectangular plaza Figure 2.
While estimates of their number vary, there were at least 20 of them [55][56]. It is possible that the earliest TTCs constructed during the first century AD were originally elite houses from migrant groups that only subsequently acquired temple status [32]. The beginning of the plaza in front of the Pyramid of the Moon can be seen at the very top, while the Pyramid of the Sun is on the right.
A typical TTC can be seen on the bottom right: three temples face each other around a square plaza, with the two equally sized temples flanking a larger temple in their middle. Another TTC can be seen in the center of the photo, with its plaza opening to the Street of the Dead. On the other hand, Angulo [56] and Pasztory [55] see them as an indication that Teotihuacan emerged as a voluntary alliance between around twenty social units, possibly related clans, territorial units, or ethnic groups.
Manzanilla [58] : 59 agrees that TTCs are perhaps the earliest manifestation of the different groups that settled in the Teotihuacan Valley, following the volcanic eruptions of the first century AD. She argues that the purpose of the TTCs was to serve as centers of a redistributive circuit that organized economic surplus, in particular to pay full-time religious specialists and artisans [59]. This figure might be leading twenty kin groups […] to the site of the later city.
Of course, there are only problems with this interpretation because Millon assumes that Teotihuacan was founded by a legendary individual rather than by the twenty kin groups as a whole, that is, by one coalition. Nevertheless, although there exist these various strands of examples of dominance hierarchy in humans that support the hypothesis of such a highly distributed collective government, the very possibility of this unusual type of political organization at the scale of a city often tends to be rejected on theoretical grounds.
Accordingly, it is commonly thought that the management of Teotihuacan necessitated a powerful centralized state apparatus [57] : To be fair, this kind of assumption is valid for many complex societies, and it also has a compelling theoretical justification: it is closely related to the problem of collective action, namely that the potential for selfish behavior would severely limit the possibilities of cooperation among a group of equals, thus resulting in the tragedy of the commons [60].
The possibility that a examples of dominance hierarchy in humans social system such as Teotihuacan could be successfully managed collectively in a self-organized manner, involving neither powerful leaders nor an extensive bureaucratic apparatus, therefore goes against ingrained assumptions of archaeology. An important part of the problem is the difficulty of even imagining the alternatives. Thus, if Teotihuacan consisted of a diverse and polycentric network of communities, potentially represented by their TTCs, could this network examples of dominance hierarchy in humans also have relied on a form of self-government rather than on a centralized coercive state?
There is a growing interest in complementing traditional archaeological methods with computational tools, including by modeling social systems. One prominent approach is agent-based simulation in various grades of realism and predictive power [63][64]while others prefer to directly model the nonlinear dynamics of social systems [65].
The lack of realism of the latter approach is offset by the generality of its explanatory insights. Another of its advantages is that we can use models that have already been systematically studied by other disciplines. For example, insights from the Hopfield neural network [66]which is isomorphic with the Ising spin model of statistical physics, are generalizable to distributed social systems [67]. We use a variation of the Hopfield model based on the work by Watson and colleagues [67][69].
Here we briefly present the basics of the model; further technical details are provided in the Methods section at the end of the paper. Representatives, also called agents, are modeled as nodes connected into a network. At each time step a randomly selected agent adopts the behavior that maximizes its own utility, u idefined as the weighted sum of its interactions with all the other members of the network. Only TTCs of an intermediate scale what is a virus definition in biology selected as neighborhood centers.
The Pyramid of the Sun, Pyramid of the Moon and known examples of smaller TTCs contained within excavated apartment compounds were excluded because they seem to belong to different spatial and temporal contexts. The shortest paths between any two TTCs are approximated as a rectangle because much of the city is densely occupied and roughly conforms to a grid-like pattern. The effect of these distances on social constraints was incorporated into a pilot study, but not examples of dominance hierarchy in humans the final model see Methods section for details.
With respect to the problem of collective action, this means the examples of dominance hierarchy in humans adopts a worst-case scenario: any agent always chooses so as to satisfy the maximum number of its own social constraints, never putting the collective good before their personal good. It could be argued that this scenario is likely to be overly pessimistic, but it has the advantage that if our model succeeds in self-organizing a communal consensus under these conditions then it can be assumed that it will also do so in more pro-social scenarios.
In this respect the Hopfield network model is no different than most game theoretic approaches that derive behavior from simple payoff matrices [70]. Nevertheless, in spite of this simplifying assumption, they can still provide insights into actual why wont my hotspot connect to my tv good dilemmas [71].
In addition, the inclusion of more complex cognitive dynamics seems to facilitate the emergence of an even wider variety of cooperative strategies [72]which leads us to expect that it might also help to mitigate the worst-case scenario assumed by our model. This is a prediction that could be investigated by future work. Agents adjust their relationships at a slower rate than updating their behavior; such a separation between slower and faster dynamical scales is a general condition for self-organization [73][74].
As an illustrative example, we studied the self-organized coordination of voters into a global political consensus. All weights were set to positive values, which poses a consistent problem: configurations exist that allow every agent to satisfy all of their social constraints i. However, this consistency does not mean that a globally optimal solution is easily found; that depends on the specific way in which the agents are connected and on their initial distribution of behavioral states.
Weights between two nodes were symmetrical and no individual node was more powerful than all the rest. The number of districts was equated with quadrants of the city [14]which is a conservative estimate cf. More specifically, we consider two scenarios, i. For ease of comparison of utilities, the connection weights were selected such that the weight sum of the scenarios was equal. Archaeologists and art historians are in agreement that integration of the various groups in Teotihuacan depended on the public promotion of a collective ideology, and that public ritual activity was foundational for the establishment of Teotihuacan.
Ritual meaning of energy flow in tamil, like symbolic activity more generally, is primarily based on arbitrary cultural conventions. It is distinguished by conventions that do not seem to seem to have any immediate functional value, for example prohibitions against eating certain types of food on auspicious days. But the communal enactment of such non-ordinary behaviors is a transformative performance that brings the community together.
This mechanism of behavior randomization should not be misunderstood as isolating the individuals from each other in general; rather, it represents a temporary bracketing of their normal social constraints. As we will see below, it is in fact essential that most of the community takes part in this ritual process at the same time. And, as would be examples of dominance hierarchy in humans, in the long term these interruptions actually have the spontaneous effect of bringing the what is experimental method in educational psychology closer together than before, thereby serving as a unifying force.
Es conforme, esta opiniГіn entretenida
la pregunta simpГЎtica
Absolutamente con Ud es conforme. En esto algo es yo pienso que es la idea excelente.
Esto solamente la condicionalidad, no mГЎs
Y como comprenderlo
Felicito, que palabras adecuadas..., el pensamiento admirable
maravillosamente, este mensaje de valor