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Equivalence considered as the main relationship between sociology and anthropology value in processes of reciprocity and exchange among the Mapuche Equivalence and value in processes of reciprocity and exchange between Mapuche people. Claudio Briceño-Olivera 2. Considered as the main relationship between sociology and anthropology, this topic has had limited attention among the Mapuche, especially within the area of social practices that people and domestic groups perform in rural communities.
The objective of this article is the analysis of reciprocity and exchange from the perspective of exchangeability and associated processes in Mapuche communities, to later evaluate the principles involved, especially the ones related to the equivalence and value of reciprocity; postulating that based on the analysis the following can understood: practices of social organization, economic relations, everyday social interactions between domestic groups, among other areas.
The research was conducted with a qualitative strategy, and the ethnographic method was developed to process data collection in Mapuche communities of southern Chile. Indeed, Yan 1 in his book, The Flow of Gifts. Reciprocity and Social Networks in a Chinese Village, summarizes one of the central ideas contained in the generality of studies as he points out that:. The obligation of giving and receiving maintains, strengthens and creates various social bonds that can be cooperative, competitive or antagonistic, allowing understanding and interpreting the cultural roles and structure of social relations in a determinate society….
This way, the generation of exchanges are relevant for the subsistence of domestic groups in a wide sense, since the analysis must consider a set of factors such as social organization, ritualization of practices, spatial and territorial configurations, cultural prerogatives, among other aspects. Because of this, the objective of the present work focuses, in the first place, on the analysis of reciprocity and exchange from the standpoint of exchangeability and the associated processes in the context of the empirical analysis to later dimension the principles involved in it, especially those referred to equivalence and value in the sphere of reciprocity and exchange.
The research was carried out in the Mapuche territory, or kiñel mapuof Llamuco, which encompasses seven rural Mapuche communities. The territorial extension is 1 Its inhabitants are Mapudungun Mapuche language and Spanish speakers; their main sources of incomes are small-scale agriculture and hiring in construction, trade and domestic service. DI and DIdeveloped between and The method utilized was ethnographic, this way fieldwork was undertaken for ten months; the main data gathering techniques were participant observation and in-depth interviews.
Moreover, it states that the gift can comprise at least three key theoretical elements: a social distinction; b norms of reciprocity; and, c rituals and symbolisms. Social distinctions would manifest through the interaction patterns between a giver and a receiver; this enables the inception of a structure of relationship and conditioning for both parts, being kinship and friendship two important factors in this configuration.
The norm of reciprocity would manifest the set of rules and obligations that make room for a complex pattern of giving, receiving and giving back, furthermore enabling the understanding of the existing moral standard of social solidarity. The final element in the study of gift are rituals and symbolisms; these rituals are defined as activities governed by rules of symbolical expression in which the gift is inculcated in the members of a group by means of a collective representation, whose end is to reinforce social relations, especially between relatives.
Logically, these interactions are integrated into norms, practices and rules of equivalence and value in the exchanges, which allow defining the minimum behavioral standards of people and domestic groups in various contexts. Particularly, these are embedded in culture, thereby we speak of ritual events considered as the main relationship between sociology and anthropology, funeral rites, religious rites, etc.
This way, we can state that culture among the Mapuche acts as a powerful schema of social control that conditions and forces the families and groups to involve in this system of exchange networks that exists in the territory of Llamuco. Not being a part of it is a condition that cannot easily occur, for the economic restrictions, as in addition to the funding of many events in the life cycle, the social component and prestige of people and families should be taken into account.
Retaking the cycle of benefits involved in gifting, considered as the main relationship between sociology and anthropology are two elements that allow us to locate the analysis on the basis of empirical data among the Mapuche. A first aspect refers to the third obligation of the cycle of benefits, i. A second component is the equivalence and value contained in the mechanisms of reciprocity and exchange Mauss, ; Graeber, ; Ferraro, ; Gudeman, ; Gregory, ; Peebles, ; Godbout, For Mauss,human exchange begins with total considered as the main relationship between sociology and anthropology this is to say, an affectation to the set of society at all levels, which leads to put forward gift as a total social fact.
Every transaction will create bonds beyond the individuals, this is why morality emerges from these bonds as a sui generis reality of informal social relationships Mauss, ; Godbout, ; Mayer, ; Hollenbeck et al. Finally, there is a third stage marked by the exchange of commodities in modern societies and in which the transaction is performed by independent individuals Gudeman, ; Adloff and Mau, For CarrierMauss observed two types of exchanges: of gifts, associated with societies dominated by kinship; and of commodities, associated with industrial societies dominated by class division and labor.
Although it is difficult to state this for many indigenous realities nowadays, the idea of differencing between gift economies marked by moral and custom and market economies lead by commodity transactions is still under analysis and discussion. According to Lapavitsas 33 and Gregoryexchangeability is the concept taken to make distinctions between the categories of gift and commodities.
The latter represent rationality, individualism, the strict calculation of material benefit, impersonal relationships and the relation of property united to the market. Conversely, the former represents power, moral obligation, collective interest, personal relations that survive and continue after the exchange, an imprecise benefit and often non-material, and a society based on open relationships whose characteristics are willingness and similitude.
For Gregory, the exchange of commodities is one of alienable goods between counterparts who are in mutual independence; whereas, gift exchange is made with inalienable commodities whose participants are in mutual dependence. The exchange of commodities will establish quantitative relations between the objects traded, while gift exchange establishes qualitative relations between the involved subjects Gregory, and Apparently, exchangeability in commodities presents a more intrinsic, complete and precise relation than gift exchangeability, since the latter, theoretically, is not inherently exchangeable as it circumscribes to non-economic factors such as moral, religion and custom.
In like manner, even if the commodities and services involved in the gift return, there is not a quantitative equivalence between the parties as it enters the realm of social life which is not immediately touched by the market: giving order to establish a bond and expecting a reciprocal gesture is fundamental in the interpersonal relationship, what is the closest family member you can marry between families, friendships, labor relationships, etc.
However, if we believe that the establishment of the dichotomy between gift and commodities or mercantile or non-mercantile relationships does not necessarily have to be stated in terms of opposite poles, as in practice exchanges can combine market elements with forms and norms more applicable to reciprocity relationships. As pointed out by Smartmany of these fundaments need to be contested rather than taken as a part considered as the main relationship between sociology and anthropology the definitions of gifts or commodities.
If gifts are not always reciprocal and if the motivations involved in giving are varied, what is common to gifts as a sort of exchange can only be in the shape of gift, understood as the diverse ways of expressing. This is demonstrated when analyzing various ethnographic contexts; for instance Carrier points out that gifts and commodities do not represent exclusive categories, but poles not a thing meaning a continuum and that many transactions with a gift contain an element of alienation and individualism and that many transactions with commodities have mutual obligations.
A establish a cause-and-effect relationship between two variables vision is that the exchange of gifts fundamentally differs from the exchange of commodities, in terms of the roles that characterize relationships and in terms of the methods people use to increase their incomes; in consequence, each form of exchange shall be analyzed on the basis of its essential principles and particularities and how the circulation of values influence the realm of commodities Bell, a and b ; Mayer, ; Ferraro, ; Teigen et al.
This stance offers an interesting methodological approximation to conceive gifts and commodities, as it allows understanding the processes of exchange in various contexts, by means of the practices set up by their participants, but without subtracting them from the existing interrelations, from the sociocultural ways these transactions adopt, from the norms and principles that regulate their reproduction, among other elements.
Taking these instances to the empirical data among the Mapuche in Llamuco, we consider that making distinctions between gifts and commodities is useful to analytically separate the various practices that families and communities perform; considered as the main relationship between sociology and anthropology, to understand the functioning of the studied structure, it is relevant to enquire on the social and cultural contexts in which exchanges take place and reproduce.
These specific contexts provide data to understand the rules followed by the participants, the sorts of goods that come what are the properties of acids and bases class 7 play, the exchange flows, the principles involved and the objectives these pursue. In Llamuco, respondents associate commodities with the existence of money as the element that mediates the exchange; while other valuations and utilized means are part of the structure of gift.
In view of fixing is young love good or bad specific analysis of equivalence and the value of exchanges in the following sections, we consider it necessary to outline a general typology that allows marking the analytical differences and the existing juxtaposing points.
This way, we found that among the Mapuche in Llamuco there are exchanges more directly linked to reciprocity or gifting rituals linked to the life cycle or the development cycle of domestic groups, for instance ; others follow a more market-oriented conduct various commercial transactions ; and others present especial characteristics such as bartering, in which we notice a combination of these two actuations.
These forms are not necessarily opposed, but on the contrary, regularly sequential and functionally linked to one another. The regularity described in studies on gifting or reciprocity is the tendency to maintain a balanced relationship regarding the commodities or services given and returned. Bealsin his studies with Zapotecs in Mexico, points out that exchanges are highly formalized considered as the main relationship between sociology and anthropology the equivalence in the exchange is a significant element when returning a gift already given.
In their interpretation, objects are considered loans and if the return is not equivalent, it shall be compensated with money to reach the quantitative value. A considered as the main relationship between sociology and anthropology different stance is considered as the main relationship between sociology and anthropology by Purkayasthain an essay on the theory of reciprocal gifts, when he explains that there is obligation in giving back certain exchanges, but they do not have to be always equivalent, which generates an equation difficult to understand for the economists.
From the perspective of the exchange of commodities and strictly from the market logic, the postulate by Bacterial symbionts example is not complicated to understand, because the objective of every exchange is to obtain a gain, thereby, asymmetry is an always-sought condition.
It is different when exchanges are governed by the rule of equivalence, as not receiving at least the same as what was given is a bad deal, but here other relevant factors for the acting parts come into play: the specific context of the exchange, the existing social relationship between the participants, the particular economic circumstances that lead to the unfulfilling or the effort made in order to partly meet the expectations.
Well now, seeing it from a practical standpoint, it would be expected that returns would never be the same, as being the exchanges balanced considered as the main relationship between sociology and anthropology debt will cease existing. This same fact is also substantiated by Godbout when explaining that a gift debt is never settled, it decreases or reverts by means of a gift greater than the debt, since equivalence is the death of the gift, it is a way to put an end to the chain of gifts.
Similarly, it is relevant what Ferraro 90 indicates: debt is a cultural category that is not necessarily decided only by individuals; considered as the main relationship between sociology and anthropology what Peebles establishes in terms of not separating analytically in the credit or debt the economic effects of the benefit of its own moral components.
In many circumstances the valuation of the participation act can acquire a character superior to the valuation of the equivalence in reciprocated commodities, this is to say, what was given in terms of commodities and services is not received back, however there is indeed symmetry in terms of the reciprocity act. On this point we agree with Cardoso de Oliveiraas he postulates that rejecting the exchange is lived by the interlocutor as an affirmation of indifference or aggression i.
From another viewpoint, when the equivalences in exchanges are more regulated by market rules, what is sought is always a transaction that meets the demands and carries benefits for both considered as the main relationship between sociology and anthropology. If the condition is not fulfilled, the parties can intend to make the transaction with other people inside or outside the communities, however it does not necessarily imply a breach in relationships and in the continuity of help and cooperation at other levels, especially when there are factors such as kinship.
An instance are the agricultural sharecroppers in Llamuco, whose operation mechanism is summarized from the ethnographic story of the respondents. When two people agree a harvest, one will contribute with the land and the other with supplies seed, fertilizer, etc. These agreements are established beforehand, as it is a market-regulated exchange. If the deal is not closed, the existing relationship is not expected to change, while bonds such as kinship or friendship remain unchanged; this way, both parties will try to decrease the level of the conflicts that may arise the most Mapuche respondents from the communities of Juan Antinao Pircunche and José Llancao in the territory of Llamuco.
Other empirical instances to denote equivalence in market exchanges are the concepts from Mapudungun Mapuche languagearetunkakunün and wülatun. Aretun implies the action of obtaining lend something for another person, but there is no extra payment interest from the beneficiary, but they return the same. For instance, if someone borrows a sack of wheat, equivalence is returning the same, thus establishing the time for the return.
Kakünun involves the action of exchanging commodities of the same sort seeds, animals, etc. The term to buy, which is the transaction counterpart, is gillan and fixing the price is called falin. This agrees with Adloff and Mauwho point out that the probability that social structures survive will be greater when they are connected to one another by means of exchange relationships. The value involved in the exchanges is an aspect that intertwines all the norms and forms in which exchanges occur considered as the main relationship between sociology and anthropology at once it appears as an issue difficult to understand, because it is rooted in social and cultural arrangements defined by the parties in the establishment of the relationship.
For Narotzky being able to ascertain the value of things is one of the crucial problems the exchange elicits. The commodities that are exchanged shall be comparable and the equivalence rate accepted by the parties; however, the measure of value should not be confused with the use value; the former is an exchange relationship, while the latter is an independent aspect. From this viewpoint, we may define the various groups comprised in a determinate place or society and the way they relate to one another studying the form, quality and direction of exchanges.
This is an important methodological element in the analysis of exchanges as it allows identifying the dynamics established by people and groups, additionally enabling the configuration of individual interests, culturally prescribed situations, obligations beyond reciprocity, close trade links, et cetera. In order to ascertain this value, Mayer 45 states that the host will always be able to calculate the value of the commodities they are giving; whereas, for Bell b: the value of a gift is measured by the value of the reciprocal answer.
Certainly, there are exchanges in which it is easier to establish a value, and at the same time, keep a record of them; albeit for people in Llamuco this has always been an aspect difficult to establish, it is concluded that a way to measure the vale of exchanges is using the formula: resources v their usefulness in a particular context. It seems as though, exchange value and use value are two elements that seem to differentiate when gifts and commodities are considered in dichotomous terms.
Godboutreferring to the value in the exchange, mentions there is a tendency to quantify the word value and express it as a sum of money; this is what he calls the value of considered as the main relationship between sociology and anthropology and which we regularly oppose to use value. The use value is closer to reality, but to the same extent it is unique and not representable by means of a sum. Not overlooking the importance of exchange value and use value, the author indicates that things acquire a number of values according to their capacity to express, convey and strengthen social bonds, and calls this binding value.
The binding value is the symbolical value related to a gift, linked to what circulates in the shape of a gift Godbout, In practice, establishing the relationships goes through the review of conceptual elements that allow differencing various practices, as underscored by Bell b : every exchange relationship experiences a value equivalence, defined somehow by the participants. It is necessary to deepen into these forms to comprehend the sorts of exchanges, the spheres it comprises and the what is a commensalism in science that influence them.
This occurs when women have widowed or have small children or if they are single mothers who live with their children and their economic status prevents them from fulfilling the commitment. The protocol requires that people communicate this event to their counterparts, which is taken as a token of respect and appreciation for the kinship or friendship; even though it does not necessarily mean the debt disappears, since some retribution is always expected.
If in spite of their social and economic situation they decide to participate, the value of the fact takes an especial valuation by the receiver, regardless of the amount of goods food and beverage women take to the event. In cases like this, the value of the action is dramatically higher and strengthens the bonds Godbout, We have to add that these situations are not exceptions to the rule, but culturally established solutions to partially remediate the rigidity of the fulfillment of commitments between families, in particular those bound by patrilineal kinship.
It is also necessary to establish and restate that the equivalence of value is defined by the participants, as shown in the following examples: a in the case of the decease of a member of the domestic group, it will receive support from everyone in a kiñe eluwün, 2 particularly those patrilineally kindred; b the valuation of help is higher for those with whom there is a permanent cooperation process, but also because more relevant emotional, social or economic, support is also expected, being distinguishable the effort of the domestic groups to fulfil the commitments and their sense of responsibility; c offering voluntary support is reckoned as the beginning of exchange ties, distinguishing the action of the people or domestic group rather than the amount of commodities involved in the help.
The examples denote the particularities of the relation between the value of the involved commodities, their usefulness for the giver and receiver, exchange value and value of the existing relationship; therefore, the analysis of value implies all or almost all these elements and by means of this, the equivalence in exchanges is established. It is possible to associate some relevant characteristics related to exchanges referred to reciprocity and others to market exchange in Llamuco; this has as an objective to differentiate the game rules, since in practice many of the market exchanges cannot be analyzed ignoring the context of relationships in which the participants are involved.
In Llamuco, equivalence in the exchanges that imply reciprocity do not always maintain symmetry, even if participants know well how much of a determinate good or service is appropriate to give and how much it is expected to receive back. Albeit, in order to understand this behavior, it is necessary to consider the sociocultural context in which these exchanges take place, which is noticed in the following case: the entire domestic group is part of a xokincheor patrilineally localized kinship.
Belonging to it carries the responsibility of socially and economically support patrilineal relatives, mainly siblings, parents, uncles, aunts and children. For the specific case of a wedding, a year-old respondent explains this in terms of his commitments:.
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