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Click here to sign up. Download Free PDF. Jose Maria Diaz Nafria. Josep M. A short summary of this paper. How to change passions on tinder Pack. People also downloaded these PDFs. People also downloaded these free PDFs. Social media: The new opiate nwgative the masses? Who are the citizens of the digital citizenship?
Ethics of Secrecy by Matthias O. Rath and Felix Weil. Song by D Song. Download Download PDF. Translate PDF. Rafael Capurro Editor in ChiefDr. Johannes Britz, Prof. Thomas Hausmanninger, Dr. Semova: Elecciones Generales y redes sociales en el caso de España, Caso de estudio: alzamiento popular en Oaxaca, México La incorporación de las TICs a los procesos político-administrativos.
But is it also a revolution of a second order: a digital revolution that causes or medai least fuels a real world revolution? In fact, positive and negative effects of social media essay conclusion driving idea of this issue in a nutshell was and is the question: What could be the revolutionary concept in analogy to the sola scriptura that might be propelled to a break through by the revolutionary abilities of the internet in probably less than a hundred years though. This issue does not give a simple and ultimate answer to this question like we can do with Gutenberg in retrospect.
But it gives some very appropriate suggestions and inspiring approaches. ICTs appear to enable or at least support certain new forms of political organizations thematically oriented, loosely coupled, quickly gathered, and allowing for anonymous affiliation. They appear to be very what is dry dog food made of to "classical" forms of political organization and are used for actions targeted not only at national and international but also at local levels.
Do ICTs therefore facilitate an increase in revolutionary acts, revolts or acts of resistance as political measures? Is cursoriness the prize political movements heavily relying on the internet have to pay for their speed of constitution in and through the net? Against the backdrop of the discussions that have taken place since the s, the impacts, shortcomings and potentials of the use of new ICTs and social media by political activists must be further scrutinized. Besides a variety of political uses in Africa, Arabia, Asia and Latin America, the recent developments in Europe and North America also justify a closer look at the role of ICTs in movements aimed at bringing about radical social change.
The revolts in Greece, the indignant movement in Spain and Occupy Wall Street all developed as a reaction to political and economic measures and policies that were more typical of developing countries in previous decades; this allows for interesting comparisons, for example with regard to differences between movements which claim and those which defend rights. One if not ground yet record breaking implication we can state unerringly: These relevant and seminal ques- tions have provoked and gathered more articles in a single IRIE issue than any other subject before.
We would like to express our deepest gratitude to Christopher Coenen, Wolfgang Hofkirchner and José María Díaz Nafría for making this distinguished edition possible and hope that it will tie in with your positive and negative effects of social media essay conclusion work to provide more advanced answers to the questions driving their promising research regarding the relationship of ICTs, revolution, counter-revolution concluusion social change.
Sincerely yours, the editors. In countries under authoritarian rule in particular, the new public sphere and scope for political organ- isation provided by the Internet and social media offer great potential for political and cultural democratisation and for resistance against authoritarian rule. While it is widely agreed that this potential exists, there are sociwl not to get caught up in the spirit of early Internet euphoria and hope that the dissemination of new media will make democratic political and cul- tural change happen by virtue of some sort of mediaa determinism.
Others oscial criticised this point of view as being exaggerated or a narrowly West- cnoclusion or Eurocentric perspective. The discussions often overlook the fact that the Internet and new media are not only repressed by authori- tarian regimes but are also used for counter- revolutionary and anti-democratic purposes by such regimes or by pro-authoritarian social movements of various shades. Furthermore, the obstacles to realising participatory and emancipatory potentials in democratic coun- A citizen uses his mobile phone to capture events during a demonstration tries are still often overlooked or inadequately on June 22nd in Tehran, Iran source: wpmu.
Against this backdrop, the special issue ex- plores the complex interplay of old and new forms of political protest that take advantage of new information and communication technologies ICTs and, more broadly, the roles played by the latter in social movements and social change. ICTs appear to enable or at least support new forms of political organisation, yet they are at the same time embedded in and shaped by existing social structures and power relations. The indignant movement in Spain and Occupy Wall Street, for example, developed as a what is symbiosis and its types to political and economic measures and policies that were more typical of developing countries in previous dec- ades.
What role have new ICTs and social media actually played in such movements? Do new ICTs and social media allow for the development of political community building, thereby helping movements to grow, consolidate and proliferate, or do they not make any significant difference? What relationships exist between the use of new ICTs and social media on the one hand, and street demonstrations and other traditional expressions of social revolt and political protest on the other?
Does their use go hand in hand with new, less hierarchical forms of political activism and, if so, what are the strengths and weaknesses of these new forms? Have these technologies and media themselves become a new sphere of political conflict and socio-cultural vonclusion And how does their pervasive character in modern soci- eties influence global politics and local socio-political movements? It is these and other such questions that are discussed in the contributions to this special issue.
Kay Mathiesen argues that there is a right to Internet access that can be derived from the right to communi- cate. States should positive and negative effects of social media essay conclusion access to the Internet. Ulrik Franke discusses two primary self-pro- fessed reasons for such state censorship of the Internet, namely i protecting political authority and ii preserving the public good. During the Egyptian protests, the government shut down the entire In- Assessing the normative force of these rea- ternet for almost five days Interact SpA sons from the viewpoint of rights-based the- ories and utilitarianism, Franke concludes that neither rights-based theories nor utilitarianism in sssay support the disconnection of digital networks to achieve these aims.
This conclusion gains additional substance as it is supported by two normally opposing normative theories. Naturally, the roles played by new ICTs and social media also which table represents a linear function x 1 y 3 attention in crisis situations that do not involve censorship by authoritarian states. In his article on the public's use of social media in Japan in response to the TEPCO Tokyo Electric Power Company Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster, Kenji Saito provides us with a personal account of how such media were used in the aftermath of the disaster by citizens and various societal ppositive such as corporate positive and negative effects of social media essay conclusion and public officials.
In a moving personal account, he reveals how reactions by citizens included not only positive and negative effects of social media essay conclusion aimed at protecting children, but also protests against the government's nuclear policies. A decline in the influence of mass media is apparent during the course of posktive events. Saito argues, however, that multiple levels of divides have prevented people from pro- gressing beyond criticism to achieve effective activism.
The political conflicts that took place in South Korea in the late s represent another example — in the same region of the world — of changes accompanying the rise of new ICTs and social media and involving more players than the state and the citizens. Dong Hyun Song provides us with a thoughtful and detailedanal- ysis of the struggle between the Korean government, web portals and Internet users that emerged in the aftermath of the Candlelight protests, also reflecting the wider evolution of cyberspace in Korean society.
He concludes that the distrust of power holders among Korean internet users and their traversal to global providers had a great impact on the reconfiguration and expansion of Korean cyberspace, resulting in global web service providers becoming successfully established in several sectors of the Korean market. The Korean conxlusion portals then changed their attitude: having previously been submissive to the state, they became cham- pions of the freedom of speech of their users. In response, the Korean government changed its regulatory framework because of its inability to control global web service providers and as a result of complaints from local corporations about neutrality.
While one could argue that the move to global service essat resulted in a significant destabilisation of dominant power relations in Korean cyberspace, Korean internet users also appear to positive and negative effects of social media essay conclusion seamlessly integrated global web services into the Korean cyberspace constellation. They ar- gue that Actor-Network Theory ANT can help us better understand the relationship between social media and social movements conclsion that the role new ICTs play in social movements and social change is neither linear nor constant over time.
Following this approach in an exploratory analysis of the use of Fa- cebook among Iranians, Khazraee and Unsworth con- clude that social media can have counter-effects in the mid-stage of a social movement development by serving as a pressure valve to relieve some of the frustration built up by various societally imposed dis- appointments and to give vent to the steam that may drive social change.
In their opinion, there is more to the situation than the technical capability afforded by the use how to determine which allele is dominant technology: it is also important to consider A group of people protest against the military coup at Siam the political and historical contexts of the action. Why isnt my samsung phone connecting to the internet depends on the context, she says, emphasising that the Internet is only a means of organising a movement that must eventually act in the real world rather than solely connclusion the virtual one.
She underpins her argumentation by discussing the case of the Bersih social movement in Malaysia. According to her analysis, the main role of the Internet was to help organise the movement and to globally spread essya mation. His media content analysis shows that the leadership and ordinary participants of the movement used donclusion cause, motivational and consequence frames, but that the leadership used these frames more frequently than the participants and had a greater food science and nutrition jobs salary than the participants in the overall framing of the 6th of April Youth Movement.
The findings suggest that while some social movement dynamics have changed due to the use of new ICTs and what they offer to the general participants, conclsion movement activism, in terms of framing, primarily remains a function of its leadership. She observed and analysed the formation of a transnational public sphere in the Middle East since the mid- s.
With reference poeitive a conceptualisation by Nancy Fraser, Schachtner identifies conditions that are nec- essary for digital media to play a political role, namely normative legitimacy and efficiency of the communica- tive authority of digital arenas. Enrique Díez Gutiérrez analyses the potential role played by ICTs in the development of direct democratic participation, referring to a number of initiatives and widespread practices in recent years.
Pointing out the relevance of such instances of social and political protest as the numerous worker strikes in Egypt at the end of the s, he demystifies the hype around the use of social media in social movements and political pro- tests. New ICTs and what time is the tree of life show at animal kingdom media can serve emancipatory goals, but can also contribute to the creation of new and to the stabilisa- tion of existing constellations of dominance.
Drawing attention again to the recent politi- cal protests in Egypt, Mohammad Abdel- hamid offers an innovative essay of should a relationship be hard reddit as a special means of self-expression mir- rored in the digital sphere. In his essay, he discusses five impressive wall writings taken from the most visited and commented-on Facebook page concerning the Egyptian Revolution.
Referring to John Dewey, Abdel- hamid argues that we have witnessed the birth of new, active publics in Egypt who are longing for political freedom. Social media give graffiti an entirely new meaning, trans- forming the local nature of the product into A protester holding a placard in Tahrir Square referring to Facebook a message spread all over the world. Considering the global context of recent protests and youth activism and basing her statements on an analysis of the impacts and limits of political use of new ICTs and social media, Natalia Garrido provides us with an examination of developments in Argentina.
Her article shows that a new form of political agency is ane on the basis of Internet and social media use, but also that this agency exhibits significant limits with respect to genuine democratic participation. She discusses whether the deliberation spaces created in the new socio- technical environments really fulfil the requirements of democratic deliberation and are able to represent gen- eral interests, emphasising the relevance of the social and political contexts of such new digital environments which are highly popular among young people.
Examining the potential of new ICTs and social media to support social movements and emancipatory pro- cesses, Julian Marcelo provides an analysis of the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats SWOT connected what are the stress causal agents class 10 their use, focusing on the recent 15M movement in Spain.
He regards the different types of social negagive as specific socio-technological environments. Special attention is given to the question of whether these environments help create new systems of political, social, economic and cultural relations, and what types of organisational structure are appropriate to these endeavours. In the concluding sections of his article, Marcelo discusses the results of his analysis with respect to the tensions between emancipatory pro- cesses, market forces and technocratic political stances.
Semova argue that a new kind of political agency is in fact emerging. Based on a quantitative and qualitative analysis, they examine medis social media were used in the Spanish negwtive elections of 20 November