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Globally, mortality and fertility rates generally fall as resource abundance increases. This pattern represents an evolutionary paradox insofar as resource-rich ecological contexts can support higher numbers of offspring, a component of biological fitness. This paradox has not been resolved, in part because the relationships between fertility, life history strategies, reproductive behavior, and socioeconomic conditions are complex and cultural-historically contingent.
We aim to understand how we might make sense of this paradox in the specific context of late-twentieth-century, mid—demographic transition Chile. We use distribution-specific generalized linear example of evolutionary theory in sociology to analyze associations between fertility-related life-history traits—number of offspring, ages at first and last what to do in your first teenage relationship, average interbirth interval, and average number of live births per reproductive span year—and socioeconomic position SEP using data from a cohort of 6, Chilean women born between and We show that Chilean women of higher SEP have shorter average interbirth intervals, more births per reproductive span year, later age at first reproduction, earlier ages at last reproduction, and, ultimately, fewer children than women of lower SEP.
Chilean women of higher SEP consolidate childbearing over baby loves tacos delivery relatively short time span in the middle of their reproductive careers, whereas women of lower SEP tend to reproduce over the entirety of their reproductive lifespans. These patterns may indicate that different SEP groups follow different pathways toward declining fertility during example of evolutionary theory in sociology demographic transition, reflecting different life-history trade-offs in the process.
Most human populations have recently undergone or are example of evolutionary theory in sociology undergoing demographic transitions in which all-cause mortality rates decline steeply and then fertility rates decline example of evolutionary theory in sociology less steeply, resulting in larger population sizes and changes in population age structure Caldwell et al.
These demographic changes accompany increases in the resource-richness of the ecological contexts in which they are occurring, especially example of evolutionary theory in sociology in the abundance of food and energy Livi-Bacci, ; Myrskylä et al. This pattern, in contrast to earlier human demographic transitions e. Researchers from evolutionary demography and biological anthropology have sought to address this puzzle using life-history theory Borgerhoff Mulder, ; Sear et al. The life-history framework holds that amounts of time and energy available to an organism over its life course are finite, such that time and energy allocated to one purpose over the lifespan, such as growth or somatic maintenance, cannot be allocated to other purposes, such as reproduction e.
The offspring quantity versus offspring quality trade-off is the most-studied life-history trade-off in research regarding the demographic transition Kaplan, That is, under some ecological conditions, the most fitness-enhancing strategy for a family may be to consolidate investment of resources in a relatively small number of very-high-quality offspring offspring with, for example, good health, prestige, earning potential. Previous work suggests that we can expect slightly different factors e.
We view the classes of models, outlined below, as complementary to one another, with each likely to contribute to variation in human life-history tactics during demographic transitions in differing amounts, depending on the historical and ecological example of evolutionary theory in sociology of the context in which the transition is occurring. That said, we also suggest that each of the groups of models can offer slightly different—albeit not mutually exclusive—predictions regarding which life-history variables are to be impacted by ecological resource richness and in which ways.
In particular, these models emphasize the rising costs of human capital especially in the forms of education and skilled maternal workwith such costs increasing as economic sectors become increasingly knowledge-based. Nevertheless, the simplest version of this model predicts that fertility declines associated with increasing ecological richness and human capital should be mainly explained by 1 very long reproductive deferral i. Cultural transmission models propose that the decline in fertility results from socially learned changes in how to draw the graph of a linear equation of the value of having children, ideal family size, and the desirability of effective use of modern, reliable family example of evolutionary theory in sociology methods.
Generally, these models assume that declining fertility begins with the adoption of fertility-reducing behaviors and norms i. Such cultural models can and should allow for the fact that people from the lowest socioeconomic position are likely to face major sociocultural, political, and financial barriers—as well as kin influences—to adopt behaviors they might otherwise emulate and share Kramer et al. There may also be nearly a full generation time lag between availability of reliable contraception and widespread norm changes Kramer et al.
An example can be seen in rural Poland, where how to know if a guy likes you on bumble integration associates with less-dense kin networks, example of evolutionary theory in sociology appears to enhance the transmission of valuing relatively low fertility Colleran, We interpret this class of models as predicting a number of patterns.
Lastly, there should be qualitative evidence from the cultural environment that having three or fewer children is socially or psychologically desirable. We underscore here that the three classes of models all reflect combinations of patterns observed in various transitioning human populations. Numerous studies have investigated the extent to which and the ways in which fertility and its related life-history variables e. However, in post—demographic transition populations, this relationship between social hierarchy and fitness is complicated and difficult to interpret, with most cross-sectional analyses generally suggesting that fertility declines with increased access to material resources, but with the majority of high-quality, longitudinal analyses indicating a likely positive association between income and fertility Shenk et al.
Additionally, the complex relationships between fertility and socioeconomic position during a demographic transition might reflect fitness optimization in terms of extrinsic is the impact factor of a journal important risks or multigenerational wealth accumulation, but they also potentially reflect behavioral maladaptations Goodman et al.
That is, while many studies have documented coarse markers of fertility i. With these gaps in mind, the Chilean case represents an excellent population for study. At the beginning example of evolutionary theory in sociology the twentieth century, Chile was clearly pre-transition, with crude birth rates around 40 live births for each 1, inhabitants and with death rates fluctuating around 33 per 1, Cerda, Mortality declined sharply through the middle of the century, reaching a crude mortality rate of 12 per 1, bywith much of this decline accounted for by a halving of child mortality from to 1, children under 5 years of age ca.
Meanwhile, crude birth rates remained as high as From then on, crude birth rates fell irregularly between and and then fell steadily afterreaching 17 per 1, by the turn of the century Cerda, ; Villalobos, In summary, Chile recently between and underwent a demographic transition. We note that the late-twentieth-century decline in crude birth rates in Chile maps onto strong, state-sponsored investment in family planning policies and introduction of modern contraception Sanhueza, We view widespread adoption of modern contraception as a more parsimonious explanation for the steep, rapid fertility examples of non functions in real life than assuming that prospective parents are assessing, consciously or unconsciously, child mortality rates and adjusting birth rates accordingly through other behavioral or social means.
This study aims to analyze variations of fertility and fertility-linked life-history traits in relation to socioeconomic indicators during the height of the accelerated demographic transition in Chile using life-course and life-history-theory-based perspectives. Specifically, we seek to examine lifetime fertility, the timing of age at first and last reproduction, average interbirth intervals, birthing density, and their relationship with socioeconomic markers for Chilean women born between and The approach of this study is to describe selected life-history traits to reflect on how individuals may differ in their reproductive behaviors resulting in lowered fertility, depending on their socioeconomic position in Chilean society.
Our analyses focus on sociodemographic and reproductive history data from a single-round survey, carried out infrom a cohort of 6, Chilean women living in nuclear family households and who were born between and aged 43—52 years at the time of data collection. Nuclear households were used to reduce the analytical complexity involved in accounting for multiple forms of household composition.
We restricted our analyses to women who had completed their reproductive careers because we sought to characterize fertility and reproductive timing across whole reproductive lifespans, including age at last birth, which tends to be under-studied from an evolutionary life-history angle Towner et al. We also wanted to ensure that we captured last interbirth intervals, which are often longer and feature higher what are the 4 main components of darwins theory of evolution of investment and more careful planning than earlier ones Kramer et al.
The women in the particular cohort that we selected had reproductive lifespans that align with the time period we thought to be of interest behaviorally, i. This database, from a single-round survey, contains individual-level information concerning household composition, health, and socioeconomic indicators publically available for research and public policy development from the Ministry of Social Development of the Chilean government.
Socioeconomic position hereafter, SEP as of was defined with variables related to education, income, health, housing, property ownership, and living conditions Table 1. A factor analysis explained 9. The first dimension was related mainly to income, education, and health variables, whereas the second was example of evolutionary theory in sociology mainly to example of evolutionary theory in sociology and living conditions. Only the first dimension was used to example of evolutionary theory in sociology SEP because it loaded predominantly onto the variables most commonly used to measure SEP and to assess health and reproductive inequities, such as income and education.
The coordinates of dimension 1 were scaled to produce a single, continuous SEP variable Booysen et al. The factor analyses of mixed data were carried out using the FactoMineR package Le et al. Because geographic region, ethnic self-identification, and urban versus rural living are likely to structure the observations of both life-history trait indicators and the SEP indicators, they are unlikely to be statistically independent, violating a main assumption of linear regression modeling.
To account for this, we clustered the data by region, municipality, ethnic self-identification, and urban versus rural living, adding random slope terms for each of these variables. All life-history traits—number of offspring, age at first reproduction, age at last reproduction, average interbirth interval, and number of births per reproductive lifespan year hereafter, birthing density —directly reflect or are derived from the self-reports of individual women represented in the CASEN database.
Number of offspring refers to the number of children ever born to each woman. Age at first reproduction is the age in years at which a woman reported giving birth to her first child, marking the beginning of her reproductive lifespan. Average interbirth interval and birthing density are life-history traits that are meant to characterize the reproductive scheduling of individuals. The average interbirth interval does so example of evolutionary theory in sociology focusing on the timing of reproduction, whereas birthing density measures a fertility outcome.
Birthing density denotes the number of offspring per reproductive year. This variable was calculated by dividing the total number of offspring of an individual by the length of her reproductive lifespan i. Since the distribution of the residuals for both age at first reproduction and birthing density were heteroscedastic when regressed on SEP, we log-transformed these variables to meet regression assumptions.
SEP was square-root-transformed in the model for number of offspring to meet regression assumptions. The analyses were done in the statistical environment R. The lme4 R package was used to fit the mixed-effect models Bates et al. Birth spacing ranges from 1 year to 21 years Table 2. The mean SD average interbirth interval for the full cohort is 3. Based on the model selection process, a multiple Gamma regression model was selected, with SEP, geographical region, ethnicity, and rural-urban variables as predictor variables.
The model shows that, as SEP increases, the average interbirth intervals becomes shorter coeff. Relationship between socioeconomic position SEP and average interbirth interval IBIgrouped by ethnic self-identification, geographical region, and urban-rural living. There is a line and a point shape for would telugu meaning geographical region.
The columns show the relationship in urban left and rural example of evolutionary theory in sociology settlements. The rows show the relationship among individuals that self-identify or not as Indigenous. Mean SD birthing density is 0. Birthing density ranges from its least example of evolutionary theory in sociology or most diffuse at 0. Central tendencies of birthing density vary by SEP decile, with women from the highest decile, the fifth decile, and the lowest decile giving birth to, respectively, a mean of 0.
A multiple linear regression model was fitted to observations pertaining to the relationship between socioeconomic position, geographical region, ethnicity, and rural-urban living with birthing density, based on the results of model selection. This model shows that birthing density increases exponentially by 3. These results suggest that individuals of higher SEP compress their reproduction temporally in comparison to those of lower SEP. Relationship between socioeconomic position SEP and birthing density, grouped by ethnic self-identification, geographical region and urban-rural living.
Mean SD age at first reproduction in the cohort is The earliest reported first birth in the cohort was to a year-old; the latest was to a year-old Table 2. A multiple linear regression model was selected with SEP and geographical region as fixed effects. The model shows that, with each single-unit increase in SEP, women exponentially delay their reproductive onset by 2.
Mean SD age at last reproduction is A linear regression model was selected and fitted to the data pertaining to example of evolutionary theory in sociology relationship between SEP and age at last reproduction, and this model shows that age at last reproduction decreases by 0. These results suggest that individuals of higher SEP generally have shorter reproductive lifespans due to both delayed reproductive onset and early reproductive cessation in comparison to those of lower SEP.
Each geographical region is indicated by a distinctive point and line color. The average SD number of offspring born to each mother within the cohort was 2. The minimum reproductive outcome was 0, and the maximum was 13 Table 2. A Poisson multiple regression model was selected and fitted to analyze the relationship between socioeconomic position, geographical region, and number of offspring. The model shows that the number of offspring exponentially decreases by 1.
This result suggests that individuals of higher SEP reduce their lifetime fertility in comparison to those of lower SEP. Relationship between socioeconomic position SEP and number of offspring, grouped by geographical region. The socioeconomic position SEP is square-root transformed. We found that lifetime fertility decreases steadily with socioeconomic position SEP.
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