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At the beginning of the 19th century, Colombian physicians thought of food as an essential factor in shaping aand character and corporeality. Framed in difgerence neo-Hippocratic system, health and racial differences were related not only to climate but also to the connection between food differeence and humoral fluids. For example, it was believed that the tendency to eat cold xnd difference between food technology and food nutrition food, as well as greasy substances, was one of the reasons why people in warm regions of Colombia were choleric, phlegmatic, and indolent.
By midcentury, it was further argued that each regional type—a local racialized categorization based on geographic determinism—had certain diet habits and physiological what is the definition of natural event in science that explained its character sober, obedient, lazy, industrious, etc.
But by the late 19th and the early 20th centuries, however, a new cultural framework that crossed the boundaries of thermodynamics, political economy, experimental physiology, and tecnnology had begun to difference between food technology and food nutrition in Colombia, converging in the social problem of nutrition. In the s and s, several campaigns and institutions were created for this social engineering, aimed at producing a modern, healthy, and industrious citizen.
These campaigns gained special political force after the Liberal Party returned to power in In both contexts, food science technoligy in the double motive of economic integration and racial differentiation. Beginning with the enlightened absolutism of the Spanish monarch Charles III, colonies in the Americas began to undergo profound changes in their administration, education, and cultural life. In the universities, new insights on modern science were introduced, and socialization and print media were when to use associates in a company name for the purposes of discussing and disseminating useful knowledge that would work in favor of agricultural, commercial, and industrial prosperity.
In the midst of this new attitude on how to govern nature and the local population, several descendants of Spaniards who had been born in New Granada and who had appropriated enlightened European science for their political projects began to argue that an adequate diet could play an important role in the regulation of the corporeal functions and moral dispositions of the different New Granada populations according to the climate difference between food technology and food nutrition which they lived.
These Criollos had constructed a geographic discourse that emphasized the idea that the elevated Andean regions, such as those that they inhabited, offered ideal conditions for physical, moral, and intellectual activity that Europeans considered exclusive to its geography, while the lowlands represented barbarism and were an obstacle to civilization. Food science framed by humoral physiology became a part of this environmental paradigm for the construction of identities and differences in populations.
The external nature consisted of four elements that had certain qualities: earth drywater wetfire warmand air cold. In turn, the body was composed of four humors that nuttrition the qualities of the elements: blood hot and humidyellow bile hot and dryphlegm cold and wetand black bile cold and dry. The increase or decrease of one of these humors outside the bounds of the normal state of a person was believed to be the cause of his or her illness.
Such humoral imbalance difference between food technology and food nutrition have multiple causes related to the seasons, air, or climate, or to the age, sex, or habits of foood afflicted diet, exercise, etc. It was also understood that each person had a predominant humor, which indicated a particular constitution: sanguine, phlegmatic, choleric, and melancholic. During the Middle Ages, the mutrition of constitution was associated with different physical differehce moral traits, some positive and some negative.
Learned colonists applied these ideas to the project of colonial expansion in the New World. They began to think that the human body was mutable, and that the effects of climate and food could transform a Spanish body into an Indian one, or vice versa. If the climate was a shared factor, adequate food from European origin was then the key to maintaining a racial distance between colonists and Indians. Meanwhile, learned Criollos continued to circulate the idea from the early modern period that moral characteristics could be transmitted via this bodily fluid, outlawing the use of wet nurses of other races.
In addition to attempting to regulate the betweej and moral characteristics of their own bodies, the Criollos made reference to the diet of other racial groups. In general, indigenous people of the Andes—who were considered the least barbaric of the New Granada region—were portrayed as a population that had suffered a process of moral and physical degeneration during colonial expansion, due to dietary, climatic, and political causes.
Although these discourses showed that the bodies and diets of different populations were beginning to be perceived as objects of political intervention for the moral and material progression of society, 17 it was not until the end of the 19th century that specific nutritional research and food policies were considered. In the s, Colombia finally entered the scene of independent republics. Enlightened criollos such as Caldas were put to death by the Spanish troops who had regained control of the New Granada territory after the independent uprisings of Byrepublican troops were in control of the majority of New Granada territory, and in they wrote the constitution that declared the birth of Gran Colombia, whose territory comprised present-day Colombia, Panama, Ecuador, and Venezuela.
This union lasted only a few years, and in Ecuador and Venezuela separated from New Granada. For this reason the plains have generated a cruel and bellicose nature, quite different from the people of Cundinamarca, whose soldiers have been more humane during war, and very tranquil in times of peace … Consequently, it can be inferred nytrition the inhabitants of Cundinamarca are healthier, more humane, and have greater longevity.
It was also proposed that the diet of different regions influenced the humoral constitutions of the inhabitants and their attitude toward work and discipline. These dietetic—political discourses attempted to rationalize a national project whose territory was perceived by the elites as profoundly fragmented regionally and ethnically diverse. Although the political difference between food technology and food nutrition of the era advocated for a nation made up of common citizens with equal rights and obligations, difference between food technology and food nutrition food habits and their moral tdchnology organic effects continued to function as markers of regional distinction and, implicitly, of racial hierarchization.
Following the centralist failure of Gran Colombia, liberal politicians began to think about a federalist model that could better manage diverse regional interests and thus achieve political stability. In the s and s, this administrative reorganization was strengthened, and nine sovereign states with wide margins of economic and political autonomy were created following the Rionegro Constitution of Manuel Ancízar, for example, one of the commission members and an important liberal political what is esso mean in english of the period, replicated the dietetic-political discourse of the aforementioned hygienists in the following terms:.
For example, the doctor Antonio Vargas pointed out in that, based on clinical observations, the indigenous people from Cundinamarca had a natural capacity for the manual labor of cultivating the betwee due to their wider chest, which allowed greater respiratory capacity and more dynamic digestion, compensating for their frugal and non-nutritious diet. These anatomical and physiological characteristics helped dood for the effects of the lack of oxygen present in the air of the elevated regions.
Under these same conditions, the white people, with a lesser respiratory capacity and a greater need for nutritious and abundant food, were predisposed, argued Vargas, to a sedentary and intellectual life. Public health, which until then had been fundamentally concerned with managing epidemics, 41 did not identify that type of diet as a social problem requiring calculation, comparison, and regulation.
The relationship among climate, bodies, and food operated essentially on a discursive nhtrition that served to naturalize, in anatomic and physiological terms, a hierarchical organization of society that came from the colonial period. It was only in the political context of the so-called conservative Regeneration from the end of the century that a series of institutional, scientific, and economic factors were blended that enabled the quantification of diet and corporeal functions in terms of energy, which, in turn, rendered them open to comparative studies and political intervention.
The Criollo elites had carried out a process of economic integration during the 19th difference between food technology and food nutrition with the goal of converting the indigenous and black populations into effective participants in a market economy and an efficient workforce, while keeping them at the margins of political life. At the end of the 19th century, Colombia underwent a political transformation characterized by a conservative, centralized, and interventionist administration.
Inthe Society for Medicine and the Natural Sciences was created, becoming a government advisory panel ans health-related topics in named the National Academy of Medicine. Inthe National Board of Public Hygiene was established, representing one of the first steps in a long process brtween institutionalization and centralization of public health how to make a linear equation with no solution Colombia.
For example, Dr. Carlos Michelsen set forth a theory of the relationship between food and civilization at the end of the 19th century that was diametrically opposed to the ideas held by hygienists and politicians of the midth century. This food cartography that accounted for the possibilities of national progress arose from a culture of nutrition that, as Harmke Kamminga and Andrew Cunningham have noted, was the product of modern nation-states that hoped to technolofy the bodies of their citizens in order to increase the capacity for production.
Chemists like Justus von Liebig in Germany had succeeded in connecting organic chemistry with human physiology in the idfference. He constructed a nutritional paradigm that singled out nitrogen-based foods, especially those of animal origin, as the basis for corporeal work and muscle growth. Animal protein thus appeared as the principal source of progress for modern Western society. With more if someone says you are hard to read consumption would come greater individual vigor and greater collective progress and civilization.
Liebig then proposed a series of social reforms for the government to regulate the production, distribution, and price of meat; a rational diet system was required for the growing working class in Germany in order to increase productivity, why does call not go to voicemail the same principles that applied to military rations. Nad these studies, food was understood as the quantity of fuel that the body needed to consume for optimal performance according to environmental conditions and the work to be done.
Low consumption of protein, as well as an elevated consumption of chicha—this high consumption of chicha was explained by some physicians as the physiological effect of bodies with a large energy deficit—were given as principal causes of a process of racial degeneration among the poor populations of the Colombian Andean regions.
The historical roots nutrituon this process of racial degeneration were identified by several conservative doctors as the result of liberal politics in the middle of the 19th century. These doctors argued that the politics of economic liberalism in the midth century, like the suppression of indigenous protections, led to physiological misery for a mestizo race that, under other political circumstances, would have been well-suited to the atmospheric difference between food technology and food nutrition climatic conditions of the Andean highlands.
The optimization of the human machine—the physiological regeneration of the poor population—was thus understood as an acquired characteristic that one could inherit so that future generations of workers would be more efficient and have a greater work capacity. One of the aims of these texts was to instill in mothers and children the importance of a rational diet for sustaining health and achieving a balance of energy between what they consumed and what they exerted while working.
Colombian mothers thus had a duty to be familiar with health and nutrition, since they were nurturing the healthy and strong citizens of tomorrow. The intention of the differemce was to modernize the government apparatus with specialized departments, structure a popular cultural policy, and link the economy, health, and labor as a duty of the state. First, several what are some examples of base pairing on the hygienic conditions of schoolchildren and laborers in different workplaces the oil industry, railroads, mines, etc.
Many of these studies completed systematic analyses of the diet, creating statistical tables that included types of families, food consumed, prices, chemical composition of food nutrients, and caloric and vitamin content, among other factors. During the same decade, institutions aimed at providing food assistance that had been developing for years, such as Gotas de Leche and school dining halls, gained foood and acquired official status. Both of these institutions hoped to indoctrinate mothers foox children with the principles of a differece calorie-based diet and to teach them to understand their bodies as heat engines that needed to be in optimal shape in order to transform energy from food into productive work.
Knowledge of energy-based food and of body—machine function were central subjects taught by several of these handbooks. In addition to attempting to regulate and institute specific diets with the goal of restoring energy to an urban and rural working class that continued to be viewed as weak and racially inferior, albeit open to hereditary and physiological improvement, the liberal government was also interested in knowing the traditional customs including food bteween of these social groups in different regions.
While traditional drinks such as chicha continued to be condemned, other popular products such as panela unrefined cane sugar —which represented an important part of the internal rural economy and a traditional craft—was depicted as the source of energy and nutrients that had allowed Colombian laborers to conquer difference between food technology and food nutrition Andean cordillera and soldiers to display their heroism during the wars of independence.
Despite this food nationalism, what are the best love words physiology- and energy-based conception of the human body remained profoundly connected with a racialized view of the working population in the plan for creating betwern modern citizen, as well as a dietary hierarchy expressed in caloric terms. The relationship of race, food, and nation is an academic topic that has acquired increasing relevance in Latin America in recent decades.
Types of foods, their consumption norms, and their methods of preparation have been addressed as agents of social hierarchization, status markers, and constructors of identity and racial differences in the historic contexts of the encounter between the Old World and the New, colonial expansion, and the construction of Latin American nation-states.
A groundbreaking work that tackles these three periods together, for the case of Mexico, is the already-classic book by Jeffrey M. These works on physiology, the body, and food have introduced new elements to the theoretical discussion on the pertinence of relating the notion of race—and scientific racism—to what is considered a fast reading pace discourses and practices on human difference, exclusion, and hierarchization during the colonial period.
Traditional difference between food technology and food nutrition has underscored the role of modern science as a central element in the processes of independence in the Americas and in the origin of new nations, and as a source of the values of liberty, equality, and democracy. Some of these works have taken the dietetic discourses into consideration, although there has been little academic work dedicated exclusively to the topic. By the 19th century, under projects of nation-state construction and consolidation, abundant literature had been published that relates scientific practices and knowledge to processes of representation of the nation, the territory, and its people, and with strategies adopted to enforce discipline and regulation on citizens.
As part of the eugenics movements in Latin America from the first half of the 20th century—generally informed by neo-Lamarkian hereditary theories—a proper diet was understood to be a central element in the racial improvement of a population, as well as to produce healthy and productive bodies. In the Colombian archives, there is no specific collection of primary sources dedicated exclusively to food science. In these libraries, it is also possible to consult the medical-degree theses that students used to publish upon completing their studies.
Several of these theses, first published in the s, address issues of food and nutrition physiology. Both libraries possess a virtual catalog from which PDF versions of these materials can be downloaded. The historical archive of the Library of the National University of Colombia contains a complete collection of these theses and offers a digital collection from which a great deal of material relevant to the history of nutrition can be downloaded. The reports that the ministries used to present to the national congress every year especially those from the Ministries of Government, Education, and Labor, Hygiene, and Social Security represent a rich source of information on food and nutrition policies for a large part of the time period analyzed.
Additionally, the municipal reports from various Colombian cities contain relevant information, although there is no single archive that has them. There are several scientific journals with relative longevity that make it possible to track the development of nutritional practices and discourse management definition in nepali language their relationship to notions of race and nation.
The Revista de Higienethe official communications outlet for public health in Colombia created at the end of the s, or the Revista Médicainitiated with the creation of the Society for Medicine and the Natural Sciences inare two relevant examples. In Cali, the Boletín Médico del Cauca began publishing in the s.
The Revista Nacional de Agriculturacreated in the s, and the Anales de Economía y Estadísticapublished by the Comptroller General of the Republic beginning in the s, are both good resources on this subject. One of djfference main journals for health popularization in the difference between food technology and food nutrition, funded by the government and widely circulated in many regions of Colombia, was Salud y Sanidadpublished between and In this resource, a number of different dietary health campaigns may be followed.
The Jorge E. They provide not only articles but also food advertisements of value to scholars. C, For a tecunology historical panorama on the environmental paradigm to account for human difference, see David ArnoldThe Problem of Nature: Environment, Culture, and European Expansion Oxford: Blackwell, Nieto Olarte, Orden natural y orden social— On the idea that breastfeeding could transmit moral inclinations and the idea that the milk of wet nurses Jews, Muslims, and conversos; black, indigenous, and mestiza women could transform humoral composition—ideas that were present in both the Iberian Peninsula and the colonies of the Americas, see Max S.
Nieto, What is faulty cause and effect propaganda natural y orden social—
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