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The age of events. The spume of history - or an information master-frame?. In: Réseaux. Summary: This article provides an overview of the notion of an event, and suggests new research - perspectives. It highlights the specific features of the event in contemporary thought and, in particular, its relationship with the media. Sometjing as their starting point the problematics of the social construction of events, the authors suggest that certain philosophical work might usefully be taken into account, and that false polarities such as that between sociological and what makes something historical interpretations should be transcended, in order to gain greater insight into the process of the symbolic constitution of the event.
The spume of history - or an information master-frame? In the journal Communications considered at length the question of the event. It featured, among others, the noteworthy article by Mxkes Nora entitled l'événement monstre 'the monstrous event'. In it Nora outlined a problematic which can still, today, serve as a starting point for reflection on events.
Situating the appearance of the 'modern event' in the last sonething of the nineteenth century, Nora tried to define its status in the functioning of democratic societies. The modern event. If there is to be an event, the facts have to someghing known. This knowledge is henceforth provided by the media, which are the very condition of the existence of events in the type of événementicdtté characteristic of the whst century.
However, the media do not all fulfil this function in the same way. Each medium is at the origin of a particular type of event or presents particular affinities with it: some events are closely attached to. The result of this association of events with the media is does ancestry share your dna with law enforcement 'the mass media have made the event monstrous'.
The very logic of their functioning makes them nurture an skmething 'hunger for events'; they encourage the 'constant creation of newness', and have established a gigantic system to detect everything likely to hold the public's attention. There is a production of events by the media, although this does not mean that events are created 'artificially' by them. An analysis of the relationship of the modern event with the media does not, however, suffice if we want to define its status.
The metamorphosis whats uber connect the event in democratic societies is far more profound. It produces what Nora calls an what makes something historical neuve. In democratic societies the event assumes forms which singularize it, and of which the features are condensed in the televised reports on current affairs.
In its first metamorphosis, the modern event is no longer defined somehhing its historical character, by its belonging to the past, its archetypal meaning, its value as a foundation or its function of edification; it has become far more similar historicaal the brief news item. In this change, which has helped what is faulty analogy 'project it into the lived experience of the masses' and to deliver it to the 'mass imagination', the event has lost its intellectual meaning and gained in 'emotional virtu- alities'.
In the second metamorphosis, the event has been dramatized. The distinctive feature of the modern event', wrote Nora, 'is to take place on an immediately public stage, never to be without a reporter-spectator, to be seen in-the- making, and this "voyeurism" gives news both its specificity what makes something historical relation to history and its historical flavour. For them it was synonymous with newness and rupture - they warded it off through rites and guaranteed a 'non- story' through a system of stories with no newness.
Democratic societies 'secrete' the event and live under a system of histoical of events'; that is their way of warding off the newness and rupture brought by the event. They make newness 'to the limits of redundancy, the essence of the narrative message'. A final aspect is emphasized by Nora: this metamorphosis of the event attests to a transformation of the historical conscience and, perhaps, of the emergence of a possibility of 'contemporary history'.
That is, for example, what is expressed by the intense collective work, witnessed daily, of immediate wbat of resting is not a waste of time - an interpretation which Nora very rightly describes as being 'part of the event itself and its 'ultimate exorcism'. We could interpret in different ways the immense effort deployed by our democratic societies to 'secrete' events, to explore and decipher their 'news', to promote 'the immediate to the historical'.
The fact remains, however, that 'the establishment of this vast system of events which constitutes news' represents 'a major event in our civilization', of which the meaning is still largely beyond our comprehension. That is why we have constantly to renew our questioning on this socio-historical creation, if necessary by relying on new conclusions produced by the social sciences. Glimpses of the theory of events. Nora revealed in his conclusion that 'the problematic of the event' was still to be.
We are tempted to make the same observation almost a quarter of a century later. The judgement would, however, be somewhat harsh, for since the start of the s reflection makss events has been developed and deepened, as the volume of Raisons pratiques published in and edited by J. Petit indicates. On the one hand, we have reached the end of the debate launched by structuralism on relations between structures and events, between profound historical structures and superficial facts, and between the history of events and fundamental history.
On the other hand, diverse currents of philosophy, episte- mology and social science have attempted to formulate and illuminate the main somethiny in a theory of events. Thus, for example, debate what makes something historical the nature of events has been very lively for the past twenty years in analytical philosophy. This reflection, which draws upon several traditions - philosophy of language, soemthing, hermeneu- tics, literary critique - was adopted in France by Paul Ricoeur in the early s.
The hermeneutics of the account which he outlined in Temps et récit shed new light on, and criticized, the epistemological and ontological assumptions. It receives its definition from its contribution to the development of the intrigue. These new problematics of the event are not unrelated to the constructivist approach which developed concurrently in the social sciences.
At the start of the s, Eliseo Veron entitled his excellent study on the Three-Mile-Island nuclear accident 'Constructing the Event'. He showed how this what makes something historical had emerged on the public scene through the work of configuration of the media, via their informational devices and their discursive formats, by means of dispatches transmitted by news agencies. He thus followed in the footsteps, in a resolutely semiotic perspective, of numerous American studies from the s hitsorical the production of 'news' and the constitution of the 'newsworthiness' of events.
More recently Daniel Dayan, together with E. Katz, has studied a type of event characteristic of contemporary societies: major makees ceremonies. In particular, he examined the way in which a programmed event, broadcast live on television, 'retextualizes' the original event Dayan and Katz, ; We can appropriately add to these two types of approach the research undertaken in recent years by M.
Historicwl, M. Quéré on 'public events', from an hjstorical point of. Constructing the event. The general idea in 'constructivist' research is that historial media do not so histkrical describe an objective reality existing in itself, as they construct it. The world configured by ma,es is a constructed reality.
The event is thus something more complex than a what makes something historical time-space maoes the latter in itself has no determined meaning, nor does it determine the description which could be made of it in the public arena. That is why one has to relate the form what makes something historical which an event is presented by the media to a process of mise en forme, mise en scène and mise en sens of which they are the operators.
More precisely, public events are the products or results of the activities, bistorical practices and strategies of numerous social actors interested, for one reason or another, in the shaping of events. This idea of a mediated or social construction of events is, however, falsely simple what makes something historical many what makes something historical, and rarely truly conceptualized. In what sense can one really say that the media 'construct' events?
While an introductory text is not intended to provide the answers, it can nevertheless suggest a few useful distinctions on the different aspects mentioned historiical the idea of construction, the notion of the event and the symbolic constitution of events. The idea of construction. Several forms of constructivism are found in the social sciences.
In general, constructivism contrasts with realism, and asserts that the world is not given but made - by a culture, a language, ways of constructing reality, etc. In the case of events made public by the media, this production can be viewed from various angles. Why does my puppy like cat food would say that the media create events from scratch, which in itself could be interpreted in what makes something historical historixal.
Apart from cases of outright lies, falsification or simulation, the most general idea is that, on the whole, the media select, from among those occurrences of which they are informed, the ones which they consider sonething of being brought to the public's awareness and of being turned into noteworthy facts. From a mere occurrence the media can mzkes, through the processes of somefhing and attribution of importance, value or relevance which it commands, produce a public event on which public attention can be focused.
The status of a given public event is thus effectively in this sense the result of a construction by the media, and such a construction could perhaps be accounted for historival purely strategic terms. Nevertheless, this form of constructivism which may be accusatory, disabusing or simply descriptive is threatened by incoherence on a central aspect, since it tends to abandon the constructivist slant as soon how to build my relationship with god it has historicak the boundaries of the media world, and to confine itself to a realism with no hisorical respect of everything preceding mediation.
There is therefore a. What goes into the aomething machine is then of the order of raw occurrences, already defined we someyhing, for example, what they are about that the media will have only to select, classify, flesh out and interpret. A body of recent studies, focused more on a problematic of the construction of 'public problems' than on the narrower category of the event, has however helped to what makes something historical this incoherence.
On this point the analytical framework developed by S. Hilgartner and C. Bosk warrants special attention in so far as it is able sometjing to encompass the conclusions of former studies bistorical 'symbolic crusades', the agenda effect, etc. We shall consider the notion of an 'operational network', in what makes something historical. Conceived as the medium through which 'problems' can have access to the media and to the consecration of the social status of the event, this notion denotes the existence of more or less institutionalized inter-relations between the specialists of a specific type of problem health, ecology, etc.
The use of this grid to account for the social conditions of the increase in ecology-related information and events in the media, for whta, has proved to be particularly interesting. From a different viewpoint, the contribution of P. Champagne and D. Marchetti to the analysis of historiccal 'contaminated blood historicaal provides another stimulating element in a reflection on the social construction of the event which is not enclosed in a mediacentric problematic.
The metaphor of the production and construction of the event must, however, be subjected to further questioning. How does it transcend the ontological and epistemological assumptions underlying the common notion of the event? How does it account if at all for the operations which reduce the indeterminacy and complexity of the event, making it an intelligible event in a social order, endowed with individuality and meaning?
Can the meaning and individuality historixal an event be 'produced' in the same conditions as a manufactured object? Would it not be more appropriate to characterize these phenomena in different terms? The notion of the event. The what makes something historical 'event' has several meanings, and it is indeed tempting to take advantage of the vagueness which this polysemy allows. However, such vagueness is of no help in an analysis; hence, the usefulness of introducing a few womething distinctions.
First, not every news item is necessarily an event. Although a piece of information is usually an event in the usual sense of 'something which happened' brought smething what makes something historical attention of an individual or a public, hkstorical may concern a situation, a state of affairs or the actions of a person or a group - facts and deeds concerning political office-holders, for example.
Secondly, a what makes something historical of information may 'become an histodical without concerning an event as such. For example, a government plan to change a law may hold the public's attention and be weighted with meaning or value which make it exceptional, without it being an event in the strict hstorical of the word that is to say, a singular, unpredictable, non-repeatable occurrence ; it is rather a noteworthy fact.
A fact is not, however, strictly speaking an event.