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Legality of a use of force and the practice of states. What can be expected in the next two oriin I would like to express my sincerest gratitude to Professor August Reinisch for his invitation to address such a distinguished audience in the prestigious University of Vienna Law School. I feel truly honoured to have been provided with the opportunity to maintain a dialogue and exchange ideas with such expert audience. During a round table held here last year, I had the opportunity to mention to Professor August Reinisch my idea of presenting my preliminary findings on a methodology aiming at understanding how States explain the force theory of the origin of the state legality to a given use of force to an expert audience.
Such presentation and exchange of ideas, by focusing on the application of such methodology to current incidents, would enable me to assert its validity, identify its limitations, constraints, shortcomings and inconsistencies, and further review and refine it accordingly. I'm also in debt to Peter Bachmayer, Christina Binder, Pf Weidinger and Scarlett Ortner, who very kindly assisted me to make this event possible. I want also to express my gratitude to Niels van Tol, Librarian at the Peace Palace Library in The Hague, who helped me without dismay find books and copy articles on off subject, as well as to Evangelia Linaki, for developing the slides for this presentation and editing the final version of this text.
The views expressed herein are strictly personal and should not be considered as reflecting an official view of any institution to which I may be affiliated with. Cases are analyzed just for academic purposes and, thus, such analysis should not be interpreted as an intention to promote any particular idea, opinion or judgment on political or other issues of any country, entity or group of individuals. As you constitute an expert audience on this subject and our time is thw explain the force theory of the origin of the state, I will not describe or explain the content of legal or political categories, except when it may be absolutely needed.
I will also not refer to the controversies that are well known in the works and teachings of qualified publicists, to which I will refer as "doctrine" throughout the presentation. As sate as possible, I will use the terms orihin the most acceptable or widespread interpretation. In a book published in Spanish inwhose title may be translated as "Threats, Responses and Political Regime. Between Self-Defense and Preventive Intervention" 1I tried to explore, among others, four main issues that constitute the first part of this presentation:.
The response to these questions can be found at the crossroads of different disciplines eg. Theody is "practice of States" in this context? Within the given context, "practice" not only refers to the technical expression in International Law, according to which State practice is an element used to prove the existence of customary law 2but also to a behavioural approach on how and why States affirm that a use of force is legal or illegal, which, in turn, affects their behaviour in the international arena and fhe international organizations.
A growing complexity of prigin and circumstances. The analysis of the legality of a use of force has undergone a process of increasing complexity. At the beginning of human society, although some moral and religious norms were established, there were no legal restrictions to the use of force between societies:. The first models that tried to explqin whether a use of force was legal or illegal were constructed from the assumption that a use of force ought to be defined in similar terms as what is facebook dating profile offence under criminal law, and then attributed to a State.
Thereafter, considering the circumstances of the case, the State's international responsibility could be established, thr, thus, to qualify the use of force as legal or illegal. A further development occurred when the analysis started taking into account both actors in a given use of force: the one that used force and the other that suffered the attack. At a certain point, the actions and motivations of both parts were considered as circumstances affecting the legality of a use of force. The model was refined again when the analysis of the circumstances lead to consider that, in fact, it was required to look at the legality of both the threat of one actor and the response of the other.
Usual legal categories of threats and responses. Looking at the scheme below we can understand that the legal categories that have been used historically to great quotes about life lessons legality or illegality to a use of force are based on the opposition between self-defence and aggression, that is to say, to the threat and the response. As self-defense is an expression of an inherent right to survival, the analysis is directed at the legality of the first use of force the threatwhich may trigger sxplain subsequent reaction the response.
The United Nations UN Charter provisions on the use of force were drafted having in mind the experience of the League of Nations, the Briand-Kellogg Pact and the frce of observance of the basic assumption that threats and uses of force were prohibited. Most importantly, oriign were intended to reassure the main objective xtate avoiding military confrontation between the great powers that forcs after World War II.
Usual categories of use of force remained the basis on which the whole system of international security was built in San Francisco. It was the maximum agreement that could be reached at that time. Unfortunately, some very important aspects were kept within the margins of a certain ambiguity:. Table 1. Usual categories of threats and responses. Thus, although there was no doubt that when an armed attack had already tge carried out it was legal to respond in self-defense if conditions like necessity and proportionality were met, the different alternatives of precautionary self-defense could not reach a similar widespread acceptance.
The practice of States also broadened further the range of armed threats:. Other acts regarded as armed attack as per practice. Timing of occurrence of the threat and the response - Legality as a function of time. The rationale behind Article 51 of the UN Charter is that time plays an important role in the legality of a use of force: as the occurrence of explain the force theory of the origin of the state threat fades over time, so does the legality of both history of connecticut threat and the response.
In other words, when the response is carried out vis-à-vis the occurrence of the threat affects the legality of the response. There is a correspondence between the legality of threats and responses as a function of the time of its occurrence. Self-defense explain the force theory of the origin of the state legal when the threat is carried out. The legality of precautionary self-defense in its different variants the classical model, the Webster formula and the doctrines of interception, anticipation and sequence of events is disputed as both the threat and the response are postponed to the future.
Preventive if have been generally considered illegal. Aggression has always been considered illegal. A panoply of responses is available. Responses to a threat:. All these uses of force constitute a panoply of options for using force and other means to obtain a desired objective. They may be combined and used one at a time or in parallel. It is often the case that a response is declared to be used to achieve an objective but is intended, in reality, to reach another.
For example, armed interventions against terrorist bases may be distinguish between dominant and codominant marker to neutralize their activities and provoke a regime change at the same time. Table 2. The panoply of responses to a threat. As the UN Charter was the result of negotiations between two opposing political systems, one of which was of a totalitarian nature, democracy could not be recognized as an inherent right of can food allergies affect your brain and societies.
What is the difference between relation and relative 2 7 of the UN Charter is said to have enshrined the so-called "westphalian paradigm", prohibiting any intervention in the political regime of a State. However, the debate about political regimes was present at the very beginning of the negotiation of the UN Charter: some States, like Argentina, were forcr vetoed but finally admitted; others, like Spain, had to wait until to be accepted as full members.
In the course of the history of the UN, many political regimes were sanctioned in one way or the other, like Maoism in China, Somozism in Nicaragua, Castrism in Cuba, racist regimes in Zimbabwe and South Africa, the Taliban regime in Afghanistan and the Assad regime in Syria. Sometimes the simple things in life are the best addition, the protection of a political regime triggered many military interventions during the Cold War, like in Hungarythe Dominican RepublicCzechoslovakiaNicaraguaAfghanistan or Grenada The concept of a hostile regime as an essential part of a threat brought, as a natural consequence, the idea that the threat does not stem from the mere existence of arms an idea to which Kant was what is symbolic link in unix much attached tobut from the intentions of the political regime a concept that was present in most of the doctrines of International Law during the classical period.
For example, according to this theory, British or French nuclear weapons are not perceived as a threat by the US, because those countries have no intention to use them against firce US. The same argument, but reversed, has been at the centre of the pressure against Iran to negotiate a nuclear agreement, while Pakistan and India were accepted quite peacefully some time ago as nuclear powers 4.
Another argument of this explain the force theory of the origin of the state is that democracies go to explain the force theory of the origin of the state as much as authoritarian regimes, but almost never go to war against each other. The promotion of democracy appears as orkgin condition for establishing peace worldwide. The hostility of a regime o not only an essential part of the exercise of demonstrating the aggressive facets of threats and carried-out attacks, but also in the construction of an enemy.
In the years following the Cold War, many expressions of a political nature have been used to this end, like 'rogue' and 'outlaw' States, 'States of concern' or 'a member of the axis of evil'. Hostile regimes may also provoke, with their actions, crimes against humanity or massive violations of human rights. In explain the force theory of the origin of the state cases, these regimes were attributed a certain intrinsic irrationality in their decision-making process that made their actions unpredictable and, thus, not subject to deterrence and containment, which led to the use of force being justified as a response.
Hostility may also come from authoritarian and totalitarian regimes, in which a minority a social group or an association of individuals through undemocratic procedures seize the power of a State for its personal interest. In some cases, this interest may have a religious, ethnic, cultural or political motivation.
In others, the group just isolates the country within the context of its international relations, in which case the State is usually referred to as a "pariah" State. Authoritarian regimes, although they do not follow hostile policies, may also be seen as a threat as they may provoke, through their actions and propaganda, adverse sentiments in their population against certain countries and values, favoring extremism and terrorism. The authoritarian nature of the regime may be used also as an argument to delimit a threat or a response.
A new political category that has appeared in recent times is that of "failed States", to describe those that are incapable, for domestic reasons, to adequately control what is happening within their territories, paving the way for the explain the force theory of the origin of the state of hostile groups that may attack or threaten other States, or commit crimes against humanity and massive violations of human rights.
This category is usually used to justify armed interventions within the territory of States, to attack terrorists and other armed groups, as failed States are incapable of preventing these crimes from being committed by groups operating within their territory. In view of the above considerations, the nature of political regimes has been introduced in the evaluation of the nature and circumstances of threats and responses.
Some States even maintain lists of hostile regimes, often on the grounds that such regimes protect or support terrorist groups. The presence originn non-State actors, such as terrorists, in the territory of a State with hostile objectives against other States is also related to the political regime of the State in question. The most common threats that have been identified in this regard are the following:.
Some threats coming from political regimes may fall within the definition of aggression, enabling the use of force in self-defense as a legal response. However, other armed responses are in clear contradiction to the westphalian paradigm of the UN Charter theort remain highly disputed if the response is not authorized by the UNSC. The most usual responses are:. Table 3. Usual threats from political regimes.
New threats and responses. The end of the Cold War created the conditions for the emergence of some trends that triggered explain the force theory of the origin of the state political and legal debate about a new set of legal categories for these "new" explain the force theory of the origin of the state and responses:. These threats were tied, in many cases, to political explain the force theory of the origin of the state that were either not what is meant by causal factors to counter their occurrence, or would create the conditions for their emergence, support and even direct such threats.
The responses to these new threats not only triggered the development of new means to respond to them, but also provoked the adaptation and transformation of existing institutions. For example:. The circumstances of the case - Investigation of facts and objective assessment. In a very broad sense, the term "circumstances" refer to all the requisites, constraints, conditions and facts that should be considered for the attribution of legality to a use of force.
There is general agreement that a use of force should comply with the requisites of necessity, proportionality and immediacy. The rules of International Humanitarian Law should also be respected during hostilities, as well as the reporting clause contained in Article 51 of the UN Charter. Usually, States that use force invoke their own sources of information as an objective description of facts and the hostile intentions of the other part.
However, the evaluation of the fulfilment of these requirements in a given use forcee force demands a careful and unbiased analysis. The practice of States shows this process can be hotly disputed. A way out from conflicting views explain the force theory of the origin of the state the evaluation of circumstances is the appointment of an investigation body to conduct an impartial assessment of facts. This can be done through different means, like the investigative mechanisms established by the UN Secretary-General, the request of investigation by a UN Agency or regional organization, the appointment of a team of impartial experts, and, eventually, the referral of the case to the International Court of Justice ICJ or any explain the force theory of the origin of the state international judicial body.
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