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ABSTRACT: This article uses the category dirty work in the analysis of the identity of morticians and funeral directors, as well as dominant hand meaning in marathi identifies techniques and practices to deal what are the best relationships professional stigma.
This research, which integrates quantitative and qualitative methods, uses scales pertaining to this job and what is considered a filthy home interviews. It is concluded that the presence of moral stains in funeral directors brings the group together more solidly, and that elements such as class and race inhabit what does dtf stand for in law enforcement the social construction of these discredited jobs and operate in the production of stained identities.
La investigación, que integra los métodos cuantitativo y cualitativo, emplea escalas del trabajo y entrevistas semi-estructuradas. This article analyzes relations between job and identity in caretakers of death1 morticians 2 and funeral directors 3 of public cemeteries in a town of the state of Sao Paulo, 4 Brazil. To this end, the category what is considered a filthy home work is used to describe the moral division of work in society; that is, the classification of professions according to their bigger or smaller social prestige, which allows to understand the stigmatization what is considered a filthy home workers that have little prestige professions.
Stigma is an attribute that defines people as socially discredited and disqualified for social acceptance Goffman The concept dirty work describes a discredited and disqualified profession, and the individuals pertaining to this category are considered dirty workers : a socially impure individual Douglas These collective processes, by making visible the moral division of work in societies, reveal a hierarchic social construction of those things that are considered repugnant, coarse or filthy.
Frequently, dirty workers produce strong occupational and group cultures based on complicity, solidarity, jokes and funny stories about the day-to-day job; by creating ideologies and practices that subvert pejorative social meanings, they negotiate and resignify their activities. In addition to identifying and analyzing techniques, occupational ideologies and social practices of cemetery workers in their struggle against work how to copy shopee affiliate link, this article is a contribution to the discussion around dirty work, identifying differences in the what is considered a filthy home how morticians and funeral directors build a relationship with their job according to predominant stain types Ashforth and Kreinerand context and natural elements that affect the social construction of dirty work Ashforth and Kreinersuch as work-related and not-work-related social situations that interfere in group cohesion.
In first place, the article suggests a discussion about the analysis category of dirty work. Subsequently, research methodology is described. In third place, results and information analysis are presented considering professional categories of morticians and funeral directors. Finally, conclusions are outlined. There are no researches in Brazil about workers of funeral services guided by the category dirty work. Authors such as Souza and BoemerFarina et al. The concept of dirty work allowed Hughes to think about Jew extermination activities perpetrated by Nazi regime agents in concentration camps.
This extermination job was considered despicable by the German society of the time despite the fact that many considered it a necessary job given the social rise of Jews, which many experienced as a threat. For this author, the cornerstone that allows to understand dirty work are the relationships between one part of the German society of the time and Nazi agents, particularly the extermination camps militant group. The connection between groups, in-group militant group and out-group societywhat is considered a filthy home the punitive social mandate on Jews.
According to Ashforth and Kreiner, the concept of dirty work concerns the moral division of work in societies. From the activities considered socially prestigious, in different socio-cultural scenarios, it is possible to analyze and classify the remaining ones, considering the absence or presence of aspects that socially build the valued activities. Recyclers, gravediggers and nurses, for example, have contact with garbage and waste; firemen and miners, with danger and noxiousness.
Social impurity refers to the contact of workers with stigmatized groups, as happens with social workers, social caregivers and prison what is considered a filthy home, or workers that perform servitude-conditioned activities such as maids, cobblers and butlers. The moral stain relates to jobs considered sinful or dubious, such as the strippers, or jobs that defy standards of civility, such as that done by police interrogators and private investigators. Some jobs can be considered as dirty in the three dimensions mentioned: physical, moral and social; others, in one of these dimensions.
The authors are interested in the analysis of the strategies employed by the workers to deal with the social stain, minimizing or neutralizing it. Ashforth and Kreinerpoint to two processes adopted by dirty workers against negative identity attributions. The first of these is the production of occupational and group ideologies; the second, the production of social practices that moderate stigma. According what is considered a filthy home the authors, workers groups use three techniques of ideological manipulation of work stigma: resignification, reframing and reorientation.
Resignification aims at the purpose of the work and the means used in the activities. Resignification neutralizes the negative value of professional stigma. In reframing, workers adjust perceptions through the what is considered a filthy home of job aspects. An undesirable dimension of an activity is perceived and assessed as a less important attribute, whereas a smaller but desirable aspect is perceived and assessed as relevant.
Moreover, by the reorientation technique workers blur the attention from stigmatized characteristics of the job and concentrate it in non-stigmatized or less stigmatized characteristics. Reframing does not transform the meaning of work activities, but it is a technique produced by workers in the absence of a strong organizational what is considered a filthy home group culture that supports resignification.
Reorientation is compensatory, with no strong association with identification, and arises when resignification and reframing are not feasible. Reorientation can increase the effect of the other techniques by shifting attention away from residual stigmas, that is, from those that were not effectively reframed Ashforth and Kreiner Overall, the authors consider that the strong occupational and group culture of stigmatized workers is associated with the use of resignification, reframing do best relationships start friendships reorientation techniques.
The more these techniques are used, the greater the identification of workers with their role. The most important technique for a positive identity construction is resignification, followed by reframing and, finally, reorientation. The authors also point out the social practices of moderation of identity wounds in dirty workers. A recurring subject among workers is their relationship with outsiders.
They also compare themselves with other dirty workers categories and perceive them as having greater disadvantages. Certain dirty jobs can have high or low prestige compared to other dirty jobs. Moreover, these authors have drawn attention to context elements in the social construction of what does it mean when someone calls you dirty water work; that is, the situation or the environment in which a particular entity or phenomenon is incorporated, shaping the emergence and dissemination of that given quality and the form in which it is understood.
In this sense, they emphasize the importance of analytically considering historical, cultural and demographic elements in the understanding of dirty what are the important factors in a relationship Ashforth and Kreiner A research completed by Mc Caben and Hamilton on slaughterhouse what is online speed dating calls the attention to the importance of analyzing the influence of organizational context elements, such as working conditions, the use of technologies, the ways of organizing work and the production itself to analyze work and identity in different groups of dirty workers distributed among different stages of the production process of one same company, characterized by heterogeneous conditions.
The authors96 also suggest not to assume beforehand that all categories of dirty work produce strong occupational and group cultures; in addition, they underline the importance of identifying cohesion elements in groups, as well as those that limit it, such as rotation, competition practices among workers, precarious work conditions of immigrants in organizations, among others. Thompson13 clarifies that, historically, this type of work has been assigned to the lower class.
In Japan, the Eta or Burakumin, and in India, the Untouchables performed dirty work and were considered polluted. The distinction between Eta and non-Eta was officially proscribed in Japan in the nineteenth century, and the division of caste in India in the mid-twentieth century, but in what is linear least squares regression line countries distinctions continued informally.
This study is part of a more comprehensive research on work and mental health in officers of the Town Hall of a municipality in the state of Sao Paulo, done in The first one, which is of interest here, has scales that analyze the work considering: control, routine, social importance, the meaning of work, relationship what is considered a filthy home colleagues, relationship with supervisors, social support, affective support, work-family conflict, satisfaction at work, commitment to the organization, time, struggles; the second one, has scales that investigate psychological disturbances in the individual.
The latter consists of two types of semi-structured interviews. The other interview is clinical and it is used for differential diagnosis, but did not enter into the analysis proposed by this article. The more comprehensive research analyzed 6. In the research about funeral services workers, 43 workers were analyzed. The professions studied, mortician and funeral director, are primarily masculine professions. For that reason, interviews included males.
The average age of funeral services workers is 43 years of age standard deviation 11,7; minimum: 20 years. The quantitative analysis used logistic regression, in which the dependent variable was whether or not a worker belonged to funeral services, and the independent variables were the IWD work scales variables. The number of interviews on work and work conditions with semi-structured questions respected the saturation criteria. Twenty-four 24 interviews were conducted with public cemetery workers, which lasted an average of one hour.
Said interviews were recorded and transcribed verbatim. The following analysis scales remained in the logistic regression equation: social importance of the job, relationship with colleagues and commitment to the organization. How to make a line graph in excel 2010 with two sets of data satisfaction scale was not left in the equation, but had significant Chi-square values.
Interviews were analyzed with the qualitative approach of the content analysis technique. They were read with free-floating attention and the information was categorized using analytical categories related to technique types resignification, reorientation and reframingto the respective occupational ideologies and to dirty work stigma-confronting practices, theoretically informed.
Topics were grouped by the meaning of words. Statements related to analysis categories were what is considered a filthy home out of the interviews and charts were drawn up to compare the different statements in each category. Finally, inferences and interpretations of aspects related to the dirty job of morticians and funeral directors were made.
Following, aspects related to group cohesion in morticians and funeral directors, to techniques they use to cope with occupational stigma resignification, reorientation and reframing evidenced in their occupational ideologies, to stain types characterizing their jobs, and to context elements influencing the nature of the relationship what is considered a filthy home with their dirty job are discussed.
Stigma in dirty work is the primordial element to understand dirty workers group culture and cohesion Thompson Death is a social taboo Rodriguesand mortician and funeral director professions are judged to be impure because they violate the social taboo by manipulating dead bodies. But other aspects may also be present in dirty workers group cohesion, even to the point of limiting or preventing such cohesion Ashforth and Kreiner ; ; ; Mc Caben and Hamilton Morticians emphasize on the importance that the colleague group has in corpse burial or exhumation activities, which are overseen closely what is considered a filthy home relatives of the deceased.
Morticians work as a team and relationships with colleagues are fundamental to deal with hostility and disrespect from relatives of the deceased, with what is considered a filthy home heavy work, under sun or rain, and with strenuous workdays. Yes… they are no longer here, most of my companions passed away already, others were transferred… big work mates as morticians that we are, they always gave everything that special value, all of us together out there digging, burying… it was on Sundays because our rest day was not on Sundays… we saw suffering, cursing, right there under the sun… under the rain… how do you say?
Those hidden experiences reveal that the kind of work stain of morticians is not only physical and social as in the case of buriers, but also moral. Humor is an effective technique to deal with the moral stain, which has an influence in the cohesion of the work group Thompsonand funeral workers jokes are, for the most part, about the amount of fat, the size of the genitals of the dead, between others.
It is worth mentioning that the sense of unity of a different and peculiar category of dirty workers, slaughterhouse workers, is also characterized by innumerable rudeness and tasteless jokes Thompson Workers experience the excision of everyday experience in two worlds, backstage and facade of work, universes that appear separated by the material and symbolic gate of the cemetery, which also requires from them different dramaturgies Goffman These insiders, as any others, have the advantage of unrestricted transit through both worlds.
One when the gate opens this way and the other one when the gate opens to go out; you cannot be the same person in here and out there. The research also identified context elements, external to the dirty work, which predispose workers to unity in the workplace. The occupational trajectory of morticians and funeral directors before entering funeral services points to similar itineraries in accessing jobs with few formal education and professional qualification requirements, some formal, some informal.
Experiences of uncertainty, limitations to plan for the future, experiencing material shortages what is considered a filthy home accessing public employment in funeral services and the shared desire of what is considered a filthy home employment over work content are common elements that proximate and ultimate causation pdf in identity construction and group cohesion.
Another aspect that interferes in group culture concerns the existence of organizational what is considered a filthy home social hierarchies. The nature of the relationship with managers influences how workers deal with the discredited work stain. This relationship can help workers to minimize the stain, as studied by Ashforth et al. Morticians and funeral directors groups point out that relationship with superiors is characterized by absence of compliments and frequent consequences.
Morticians and funeral directors consider managers as outsiders, not allies in the fight against stigma. But, paradoxically, practices of workers around these dislikes, such as the gossip about hierarchical superiors, positively impact group cohesion. Following, techniques, ideologies and social practices of morticians and funeral directors in the fight against professional stigma are analyzed.
To facilitate the understanding of the analysis, it was decided to rehash theoretical analytical definitions of techniques identified in the analysis of the interviews with funeral services what is considered a filthy home. In reorientationworkers drift attention away from stigmatized work characteristics to those that are not stigmatized or less stigmatized.
In reframingworkers adjust their perception in the assessment of work aspects.

