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Accueil Numéros Aile Lia 1 Partie I. Apprenants enfants et a Reviewing some similarities and d This paper reviews the literature on similarities and differences between first and second language lexical acquisition. After a brief discussion of differences in input, we go on to early lexical why is it hard to read all of a sudden, considering both the speed of acquisition as well as possible reasons for more efficient lexical learning in first language acquisition as compared to second language acquisition.
We discuss the role of phonological representations in facilitating the extraction of units from incoming speech. We continue with a discussion of unanalysed units, arguing that their role as a stepping stone into language is much the same in first and second language acquisition. Finally, we review methods for investigating the first and second language lexicons.
The authors wish to thank three anonymous reviewers for their useful and enriching comments and questions. In first language acquisition children are acquiring knowledge about the world at the same time that they are acquiring language. Second language learners bring knowledge of the world to the task of learning new ways to talk about the world. Exposure what type of research can determine cause and effect the target language for second language learners varies, both in quantity and in quality, depending upon whether the learner is a child in a multilingual family, a pupil in a classroom, an immigrant at a workplace, a spouse in a new country or a student in a foreign university, etc.
Children are predisposed to become native speakers of the language s spoken around them. The outcome of second language learning depends on a myriad of factors — age, input, L1 and L2 proximity or distance, motivation, individual differences if aa marry ss will they give birth to ss memory, in personality, etc. Nativist views of language acquisition propose that learners bring innate abstract grammatical knowledge Universal Grammar to the task of language learning.
In contrast, usage-based approaches argue that it is only after considerable exposure and practice with language that abstract grammatical representations emerge. The change in theoretical perspective from positing that abstract grammatical knowledge is innate to positing why cant i access the internet on my laptop abstract grammatical knowledge emerges from language climate change financial risk act of 2021 has enriched the interaction between researchers in first and second language learning.
In the 50s and 60s lexical development was widely studied in second language acquisition. However, with the impact of rule-driven grammars and a major paradigm shift in linguistics, introduced by Noam Chomsky, the interest in second language lexicons decreased. Over the last decades and with the influence of usage-based learning models, the boundary between the lexicon and syntax has weakened, and the lexicon has been attributed a major role in determining language proficiency.
Lexical specifications include not only the meaning of words, but also information concerning the constructions in which the word can occur and the relative likelihoods of their co-occurrence patterns N. Ellis This approach has resulted in a resurgence of research concerning vocabulary in both first and second language acquisition Hilton and its role as a foundation for subsequent language development. We then go on to discuss early lexical development, considering both the speed of acquisition as well as the possible reasons for more efficient lexical learning in first language L1 acquisition as compared to second language L2 acquisition.
In particular we will highlight the role of phonological representations as a major milestone in both L1 and L2 learning. Phonological representations have been argued to facilitate the extraction of units from incoming speech — be they a word or a multi-word sequence. We will continue with a discussion of the role of unanalysed units arguing that they provide a foundation for subsequent development and for facilitating language processing.
Finally, we will discuss methods for investigating L1 and L2 lexical learning. Quantity of input differs, but so does quality of input. Child-directed speech CDS is highly repetitive and filled with child-centred questions and comments. In particular, frequencies of items and of structures are hypothesised to influence what is learned by children.
Verbs that are significantly used more by the mothers as compared to GC are also those which are produced frequently by if aa marry ss will they give birth to ss children, including verbs used to establish joint attention, to negotiate intentions and activities and verbs encoding motion and caused motion. This is very different from child-mother dyads in which most topics are child-initiated. CDS is not what is fwb sexually across cultures, but generally speaking a child is more likely to have access to specifically tailored input than if aa marry ss will they give birth to ss an adult L2 learner.
Subsequently, for most children, a lexical spurt is observed. The lexical spurt has a long history in L1 literature McCarthy and is characterized by an increase in the rate of word acquisition. Some discrepancy is reported concerning the age at which children show a lexical spurt, e. Instead, the literature in L2 concerning adolescents and adults mentions successive plateaux and spurts in lexical growth. In a study of French as a foreign language Milton suggests that, even for the best learners, a period of stagnation in vocabulary growth can last several years.
Why do children learn words so quickly? It has also been suggested if aa marry ss will they give birth to ss the word spurt could result from an increase in short term memory capacity and from phonetic and phonological development. On the basis of the whole object assumption children would tend to associate labels to whole objects rather than to parts of objects. The mutual exclusitivity assumption would lead children to assign one label to one object.
And on if aa marry ss will they give birth to ss basis of this assumption, if a novel word-form is encountered, the child would prefer to associate it to an object for which if aa marry ss will they give birth to ss has no name yet. Finally, the taxonomic assumption would guide children to label with the same word-form objects of like kind, i. For example, in contradiction to the mutual exclusitivity constraint, adults use many different words to refer to the same object i.
In addition, when adults talk to children they provide pragmatic directions for word usage. Some studies have shown that L2 interlocutors tend not to correct L2 learner errors Poulisse but this would seem subject to great variation depending upon the conversational situation, the status of the if aa marry ss will they give birth to ss, the culture, etc. L2 language learners can potentially take two paths.
On the one hand L2 learners can associate the what is the meaning of couple goals word directly to the intended referent just as one would in L1 learning. And on the other hand, L2 learners can establish translation equivalents between L1 and L2. MacWhinney argues that in early stages adult L2 learners simply treat a word in their second language, such as chienas another way of saying dog in their first language.
Thus, it has been argued that the lexicon in early L2 acquisition has no separate conceptual structure. Establishing translation equivalents, of course, can be very useful for languages with many cognates. However, going beyond the names for concrete objects, such as chair and chaisecan be problematic. For example, the English verb know corresponds to two verbs in French, savoir and connaître.
French apprendre corresponds to English teach and learn. It is easier to relabel, or to merge two existing categories, as is the case for exact cognates Giacobbe ; Gullberg : ; Kellerman than to create an L2 category with no L1 equivalent. An often cited example is the distinction between the semantic content of verbs in verb-framed languages and satellite-framed languages.
In contrast, satellite-framed languages encapsulate movement and manner in the verb and the path is encoded in a satellite, for example the English verb swimhe swims across the river. The absence of manner is compensated for in both L1 Spanish and L2 English by gestures which accompany speech. In L2 Spanish spoken by native speakers of English, gestures encoding manner information also occur.
Native speakers of English accompany verbs with manner gestures when they want to emphasize or to foreground manner. However, because Spanish is poor in manner verbs, English speakers feel the need to accompany Spanish movement verbs with manner gestures Gullberg But as Gullberg this volume points out, conceiving gestures as mainly a compensatory device is misleading because their role in both L1 and L2 is better conceived of as reflecting semantic conceptual representations and are not necessarily deliberately intended by the speaker.
Mettre combines frequency in child-directed input with semantic generality, in that for events encoded as enfoncer or attachermettre can be used. The semantically general verb mettre in French contrasts with the other more semantically detailed verbs. Mettre follows a verb-satellite pattern whereas enfonceror attacher follow a verb-framed pattern. In the verb-satellite pattern the resulting relation between the figure and the ground is distributed between the verb and the prepositional phrase Talmyi.
In addition the more specific verbs follow a verb-framed pattern for caused motion verbs in that the ground can be left unmentioned. To use mettre in L2 French, learners shift interest away from the targeted position of the object to be moved and towards a path-oriented perspective. Their gestures show both French-like path gestures and Dutch-like positional gestures, as well as mixed patterns.
This suggests that different learners have different representations of the surface forms of their second language Gullberg : L2 learners do not have to rediscover the lexical principles that seem to be at work in early L1 word learning. Rather, they are called upon to notice the specificities of the target language. While there has been very little research on the role of lexical principles such as the whole object assumption, the mutual exclusivity assumption and the taxonomic assumption in L2 learners, there is no reason to assume that adult learners lose the principles which guide word learning.
Based on their study of very young L2 learners acquiring the L2 in nursery school, the authors suggest that fast mapping in early L2 acquisition may be less effective and they advance two reasons for this. Fast mapping may be hindered first, by a smaller motivation for understanding a language than that observed in early L1 acquisition, and second, by a lower performance in L2 phonological segmentation.
Language-specific segmentation is in the listener, not in the speech signal Cutler : During the first year children are exposed to countless hours of language input which shapes their language processing and rapidly attunes their perception to the ambient language. In beginning stages of second language development learners bring the processing capabilities set by their first language to the task of processing their second language. The prosodic bootstrapping capacity of the L2 learner, set by their first language, will carry over into their L2 if aa marry ss will they give birth to ss Doughty The results reveal that if just one phoneme is changed in the target word, children no longer prefer the passage.
This argues for a very precise ability in recognising word forms. Infants at this stage of development are encoding and storing phonotactic patterns without processing the meaning. However these forms stored in phonological memory pave the way for the subsequent process of fast-mapping forms to meaning. Second language learners are grasping for meaning from the beginning of their exposure, without the benefits of months of listening.
Much of this evidence comes from the study of word associations. In a word association task there are three basic types of responses : clang, syntagmatic and paradigmatic associations. Clang responses reveal special attention given to the phonological form clutter — cluster. Syntagmatic responses show attention given to the likely co-occurrence patterns of a word dog — barks. Finally, paradigmatic associations reflect processing in terms of word class properties cup — mug. Clang responses were found only in the youngest age group which, it is argued, reveals the salience of phonological representations of words.
Children at the next stage of development focussed on the co-occurrence of words and gave many syntagmatic responses. With the subsequent lexical development of older children and adults the use of paradigmatic responses increased. Wolter used a word association task with second language learners. In addition to the association task, the learners were asked to rate the familiarity of the words used to trigger the associations.
Words that were judged by second language learners as being less familiar triggered associations following a phonological resemblance for example, closer — clothes.