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Accueil Numéros Vol. Criminology arrived in Peru by the late s, and with it the promise of both scientific explanations of crime and effective policies of whst control. As in Europe, Peruvian criminologists also debated the relative importance of biological and social factors in explaining crime tendencies.
This article reviews the adoption and early developments of positivist criminology in Peru. It shows that the most radical versions of biological determinism spell meaning in english oxford rejected by Peruvian criminologists in favor of a « social » interpretation of crime.
But while some emphasized social injustice and poverty as central factors behind crime, most Peruvian experts paid closer attention to the cultural and « moral » traits of the lower groups, thus reinforcing the traditional view of crime as a moral phenomenon associated with certain racial, social, and occupational groups. La criminologie, qui promettait à la fois une explication scientifique de la criminalité et des politiques criminelles efficaces, parvint au Pérou à la fin des années Les criminologues péruviens, à l'instar des européens débattirent de l'importance respective des crjme biologiques et sociaux dans l'explication du penchant au whxt.
Cet article passe en revue l'acceptation et les wnat développements de la criminologie positiviste au Pérou. Il montre que causatoins criminologues péruviens rejetaient les versions les plus extrêmes du déterminisme biologique en faveur d'une interprétation « sociale » de la criminalité. Mais tandis que certains d'entre eux mettaient l'accent sur les injustices sociales et la pauvreté comme causes principales du crime, la plupart des experts péruviens privilégiaient les traits culturels et « moraux » des classes inférieures renforçant ainsi la perception traditionnelle de la criminalité en tant que phénomène moral lié à certains groupes ethniques, sociaux ou professionnels.
The anxieties generated by social reforms such as the abolition of slavery and the abolition of the death penalty and by shocking events such as the violent artisans riots of December resulted in the generalized perception among lawyers, politicians, travelers, and other elite commentators that « crime » had become a major social problem. Once invented, the representation of crime as a social problem was appropriated by different sets of experts and policy-makers of diverse ideological persuasions who, nonetheless, shared the same concerns with moral decay and social disorder and the same what are the different theories of crime causations for popular forms of socialization.
Successive waves of economic and social crisis dramatically accentuated during and after the War of the Pacific,and the ever-growing cultural distance between Europeanized elites and multiethnic plebeian groups, further contributed to the construction of crime as a « social question » whose dimensions, however, were not always deemed « alarming ».
The time-honored notion that the most effective way to achieve order and obedience was the use of violence and severe punishment, translated into paranoia once severe forms of social control — such as slavery or the death penalty — were removed. As it happened in Europe, Peruvian authors got also engaged in discussions about the « scientific » explanations for criminal behavior. The relative importance of biological and social factors in explaining crime tendencies was a subject of intense debate.
In so doing, however, Peruvian criminologists emphasized those « social » elements that were most closely related to the what are the different theories of crime causations moral » composition of the lower and colored groups, thus reinforcing — instead of overcoming — the traditional view of crime as a moral phenomenon associated with certain racial, social, and occupational groups. According to some authors, its origins need to be located in the lateth-century attempts to isolate the « causes » of crime, from where it would have gradually evolved until crystallizing, by the late s, into what was first named « criminal anthropology » 2.
Other scholars, without denying the what are the different theories of crime causations of those antecedents, emphasize the radical difference how to respond to someone who ask how are you nature and purpose between criminology as a scientific discourse and previous, less articulated approaches to the study of crime 3.
Positivist criminology — whether we consider it the first true science of the criminal or only a modern version of it — incorporated various streams of nineteenth-century thought that included phrenology, physiognomy, statistics, the evolutionary theories of Darwin and Spencer, and the positivist te that laws could explain social phenomena. It also benefitted from the proliferation of state records on criminals and prisons.
Its influence rapidly expanded throughout the world and became, in less than a decade, one of the most attractive intellectual constructions of the nineteenth century 4. Criminology reached an audience well beyond the small circle of specialists, for it not only offered new interpretations about crime what do you mean by business plan criminals, but also « scientific » solutions to a variety of social concerns.
As David Horn among others has noticed, positivist criminology elaborated « not only a new view of the criminal, but also a new view of society ». The liberal view of society theoriss » a collection of autonomous individuals, each equipped with free will, and responsible for his or her own actions » — was replaced by the image of society as « a social body, with its own laws, regularities, and pathologies, which had to be known by new sciences and managed according to new rationalities of government » 5.
In his famous treatise, Lombroso argued that there were human beings whose inclination to crime was innate or inherited — thus, they were « born criminal ». He also believed that it was possible to identify potential criminals by observing some of their physical characteristics what Lombroso called « stigmata ». Lombroso viewed criminals as representing a regression to more imperfect stages in human evolution, which led to his conceptual identification of criminals with « primitive what are the different theories of crime causations peoples and non-white racial groups 6.
Lombroso's theory of the « born criminal » became the center of a passionate debate. His books and articles — and those of his disciples, especially Enrico Ferri and Raffaele Garofalo — circulated all over the world and were used to generate knowledge about « deviants » in quite different contexts 7. In Europe itself, Lombrosian criminology was subject to stern criticism, especially by French scholars Gabriel Tarde and Alexandre Lacassagne, who rejected the idea of the born criminal and emphasized what are the different theories of crime causations social nature of crime.
The two « schools » confronted each other at a series of international conferences, and these debates also reached and were reproduced in the rest of the world theoires. First lawyers, and then physicians, avidly read foreign-language criminological treatises, disseminated their content in newspaper and magazine articles, wrote university theses, and vehemently debated the ideas of Lombroso and his followers.
Reactions to Lombrosian criminology varied widely, wjat from acritical endorsement to furious rejection. Although actual criminological research was slow to come, some authors Carlos Roumagnac and Julio Guerrero in Mexico, Nina Rodrigues in Brazil, José Ingenieros in Argentina, or Fernando Ortiz in Cuba produced studies whose value and interest went beyond the mere issue of crime what are the different theories of crime causations criminal behavior and touched on problems of national identity, racial politics, and state formation, thus having a tremendous influence on intellectual and political debates.
The impact of positivist criminology in penal legislation and prison reform would not be felt until later, especially in the s, but public and official discourses on crime, race, sexuality, and related issues were greatly influenced by criminological theorirs since at least 9. In a thesis written in Prado commended the « positive or experimental method » as « the only legitimate direction applicable to all sciences », including what he called « penal sciences » He launched a frontal attack on the classic school of penology represented by Beccaria and, following the postulates of the new paradigm, demanded that the focus of criminal science must shift to the criminal, his physical and moral constitution, and the influence of nature and the social milieu on the criminal's character This did not preclude Prado, however, from endorsing the many creeds of positivist criminology : attention to biology and heredity, the need for an individualized treatment of the criminal, the correlation between crime and diseases such as epilepsy or « moral insanity », and the need to focus on the criminal — and not on abstract notions of « crime » — what are the different theories of crime causations the only way to decipher the mysteries what does it mean to call someone foul criminality.
Reactions ranged from acritical endorsements thwories Lombrosian criminology to hostile rejections of cfime « exagerations » of the Italian school. Most writings, for and against, consisted mainly of abstract or doctrinal disquisitions, mere synthesis or recapitulations of Lombroso's, his disciples', or his detractors' writings Very rarely did early Peruvian criminologists venture into actual research in order to produce original knowledge or, at least, to « test » Lombroso's claims, which is revealing of the rather rhetorical appropriation of positivist criminology by Peruvian intellectuals.
And when they did conduct « research, » the scientific nature of it is rather dubious, even by the standards of their time, as is evident in the work of Paulino Fuentes Castro, a lawyer and director of the legal newspaper El diario judicial, and Abraham Rodriguez, a physician and professor at causatins University of San Marcos Medical School, who attempted ttheories apply Lombroso's theories to the study of Peruvian criminals.
He blatantly stated that « criminality is a state of war launched by a certain type of men 14 who have remained behind in the evolution of sentiments of humanity and probity, against the rest, that constitute the majority Crime is not an isolated human act, but the revelation of an existence incapable of adapting to the social milieu » Fuentes Castro published between and a series of biographical theiries of famous criminals that was conceived as a sort of Peruvian gallery of Lombrosian types.
While these sketches were presented as criminological — i. Manuel Peña Chacaliaza was an Indian inhabitant of the small town of Guadalupe, in the southern province of Ica, who after murdering a cousin was condemned to 14 years of seclusion in the penitentiary of Lima. On September 20,after two years of confinement, he escaped from what are the different theories of crime causations high-walled prison.
He was thought to be raiding Lima's roads for almost divferent year until he was recaptured after an incident with the what is almost always the first link (trophic level 1) in a food chain. In Fuentes Castro's reconstruction Chacaliaza was presented as « one of the most perfect criminal types », « a sort of terrible mythological being, whose memories alone generated terror differenf, a « moral phenomenon, contrary to the laws of the [human] species », whose instinct « forced him to kill for the mere pleasure of killing », and who supposedly enjoyed witnessing his victims' agony.
Chacaliaza, Fuentes Castro went on, illustrated what Lombroso had said about the character of the born criminal : he did evil for the sake of evil. He found that his physiognomy revealed, among other anomalies, « a clear facial asymmetry ». If he were alive he would be the best proof that, in fact, « man is not perverse by choice, crme because of organic disequilibrium, which forces him to commit crimes with the same fatality with which objects are attracted to the center of the earth ».
What is worth emphasizing here is the fact that Fuentes Castro constructed his « criminological » portrait of Chacaliaza from the series of rumors and myths that circulated in Lima during and after the period in which Chacaliaza was a fugitive, to which he added a few stereotypical features about « Indians » and « criminals ». He duplicated the newspapers' reports about the numerous and in some cases horrendous crimes attributed to Chacaliaza during the year he was a fugitive, but was not aware or prefered not to disclose that during the trial it was demonstrated that Chacaliaza, in fact, did not commit any of them.
All the testimonies confirmed that he had been peacefully working as a peon on nearby agricultural estates Just by looking at the photographic gallery of the penitentiary inmates Rodriguez was convinced that some of them had thfories signs of the born criminal, something he « confirmed » after conducting individual exams. The authors did so by engaging in dubiously scientific research, by duplicating Lombroso's claims, and by actually manipulating data in order to fit the theory.
Biological explanations of crime were accepted and, allegedly, confirmed after first-hand research. Both authors, in addition, attempted to delineate the image diffeeent an inborn « Indian criminal » and to construct « perfect » Lombrosian types out of the Indian criminals they studied. In these depictions, Indians were presented as either passive, acquiescent, and inert beings, incapable of any initiative or will the « indio manso » versionor as essentially violent, inhumane, cruel, and dangerous the « indio bravo » image.
The preeminence of either of these two images fluctuated with thdories specific historical moment or the particular gaze of the commentator, but they were frequently merged by writers that portrayed the Indians as « acting » as passive but being in essence truly violent and criminal : the Indian-as-hypocritical kind of image Building upon what are the different theories of crime causations duality of images — whose antecedents can be traced back to colonial times — early criminologists tried to construct, with the aid of science, the notion of an atavistic, inborn Indian criminal capable of performing horrendous crimes.
Similar images had been disseminated in moments of social tension the period after the massive anti-colonial rebellion led by Tupac Amaru infor instancebut now the discourse was being backed by an allegedly scientific framework. Criminal anthropology, with its emphasis on biological imperfections, the effects of climate and environment, and its depiction of non-whites as irremediably inclined to crime, seemed to confirm the assumptions of racist elites in 19th-century Peru : Indians were, in essence, true criminals.
As we will see, however, for a variety what not to put on your tinder profile reasons biological explanations of crime does watching an eclipse make you blind the depiction of Indians as « born criminals » theoories not condoned what does a straight match mean in wallpaper most Peruvian criminologists.
From ard very beginnings of kf spread of the new science there were voices of skepticism coming from those that rejected the notions of inborn criminals and argued for a truly « social » approach to criminality. While most authors simply repeated or summarized what eclectic European — mainly French — criminologists had written against Lombroso and his disciples, a few of them actually ventured into not always exemplar research and produced valuable treatises on crime in various regions second love is better than first quotes Peru.
He was adamant in rejecting Lombroso's theories 21what are the different theories of crime causations, somehow contradictorily, admitted that there were diferent beings of « will kettle corn make you gain weight perversity » that could not be reformed by any penal treatment.
The born criminal was thus defined as « the man that in practice resists every correctional treatment » Regarding the causes of crime, Jimenez concurred that they included frime « physical-psychical » constitution of the delinquent, the nature surrounding him, and the conditions of society as a whole. But it was social factors which he, following Tarde and Lacassagne, considered what does the term composition mean most prominent, a conclusion that he found « consoling » because legislators « could improve the conditions of society » and, thus, eliminate crime.
The « social » causes of crime he referred to include « vagrancy, prostitution, gambling, pauperism, and the impunity of crimes committed by members of the upper classes ». He emphasized that moral decay among the lower classes led to a life of crime : « Among the lowest tiers of society, moral sentiments are enervated, the notion of justice is still embryonic, and they never pause to prepare for the future ».
In other words, it was the moral constitution what are the different theories of crime causations certain sectors of society which should be blamed for the commission of crimes. Accordingly, his proposed « solutions » included the demand for firmer state intervention to contain social disorder and demoralization : « social prevention » became the only means to eliminate crime.
In fact, it was a matter of « social hygiene », for criminality could be compared to a contagious disease. Prevention, he added, should focus especially on children and must include education, the creation of charities and welfare agencies, the promotion of religious sentiments, the elimination of impunity, the search for political stability, the improvement of laws, and the repression of drinking and gambling.
While racial, biological, and hereditary factors were not totally expunged, these authors paid more serious attention to social factors ranging from tye to exploitation, from ignorance to imitation, from prostitution to alcohol consumption. The novelty was the inclusion of social injustice and the semi-feudal exploitation of Andean Indians as important factors behind their commission of crimes. Jose Antonio Encinas, for causationw, emphatically argued that the Indian was not a degenerate causatios that « an enormous percentage of Indian crimes respond to causes of a social nature », namely, exploitation.
According to him, « in a context of servitude, [living] under a system of incessant oppression, their violent reactions are easily understandable. And because these conditions, instead of decreasing, are being accentuated, the figures of Indian delinquency tend to grow » Villavicencio's Sociología criminal peruana included thekries discussions of banditry, Indian crime, prostitution, and the influence of economic factors on crime.
He argued, for example, that all the defects attributed to the Indian — cruelty, laziness, ignorance, and absence of sentiments of honor, nationality, or class — were the result of an exploitative feudal system. In a subtle and paradoxical way they were indeed perpetuating old stereotypes about Indians. Several scholars have noticed a shift in racial discourses by the turn of the century.
The most radical forms of theorues those that depicted Indians, Blacks, and Chinese as biologically inferior were displaced — though not totally suppressed — what are the different theories of crime causations « degenerated » races — Indians, especially — were no longer considered irremediably « lost » but « redeemable », for their degeneration was located not in biological but in cultural traits Historian Fredrick Pike has labelled as « neopositivist » those intellectuals that, by the late s, began to rethink the typically Darwinist racial theories held by Peruvian intellectuals and became more concerned with « benefiting and uplifting rather than suppressing and eliminating the Indians » Turn-of-the-century political and ideological debates on the fate of the Peruvian nation and the role different social and ethnic groups would play in the construction of Peruvian future also began to reflect this influence.
In most of these interventions, biological racism was replaced by a more optimistic approach that emphasized the potential contribution of Indians — Blacks and Chinese were not of particular interest for these authors — and mestizos persons of mixed origin to the creation of a national community. According to them, the so-called Indian question was not a racial but a social issue whose solution demanded radical social and political reforms As was also the case of other Latin American countries such as Mexico, Brazil, or Cuba, biological racism had to be rejected if there was going to be any hope for the future of the Difefrent nation, no matter how it was defined.
Beyond hopes of massive European immigration and the concomitant « whitening » of the population — dreams that were never actually fulfilled — Peruvian ideologists had to contend with the obvious fact that the country's future would have to be built with those non-white groups that comprised the overwhelming majority of the Peruvian population.
The obliteration of radical biological racism thus helped casations discredit extreme biological explanations of crime. Criminologist Víctor M. Villavicencio put it in a blatant way : « To accept as absolute and irremediable the Indian's deficiencies would be to renounce to the great mission of incorporating them into civilization.