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Inicio Numéros en texte intégral Articles Dossier : « Race », « ethnie » et Defining Blackness in Colombia. This paper looks at the complex relationship between concepts employed by social scientists and those used in everyday practice and discourse, arguing that the standard ideas about how ideas travel from one domain state, academe, social movements, everyday usage to another, and become essentialised or destabilised in the process, are often too simple.
Changing definitions of blackness in Colombia, through the process of multiculturalist reform and after, are examined with a view to exploring which categories of actors were influential in shaping these definitions and which were involved in essentialisations and de-essentialisations. Définitions des populations noires en Colombie. Cet article explore les relations complexes qui existent entre les concepts utilisés par les chercheurs en sciences sociales et ceux qui sont mobilisés dans la vie et les énoncés quotidiens.
Les définitions des populations noires en Colombie ont changé avec la réforme qui a institué le multiculturalisme et après. La thee de la población negra en Colombia. Ese trabajo examina las relaciones complejas que existen entre los conceptos que utilizan los investigadores de ciencias sociales y los que se usan en la vida cotidiana y en los enunciados de todos los días; insiste en el hecho de que las ideas comunes acerca de las maneras en que estos conceptos pasan de una esfera a la otra Estado, universidades, movimientos sociales, uso cotidiano y en que a través de esos movimientos se vuelven esencializados o descontruídos, son demasiado simples.
Las definiciones de las poblaciones negras en Colombia ths cambiado a raíz de la Reforma que instauró el multiculturalismo y después: aquí se analizan dichas definiciones con especial atención sobre las categorías de actores que influyeron en su elaboración así como las que tuvieron un papel en los procesos de esencialización o de des-esencialización. One common narrative is that everyday usage of concepts is initially flexible, but these become univocal and fixed when they enter into academic discourse as analytic concepts.
An alternative narrative is that academic usage is flexible and de- constructivist and which is the dominant group in american society, when academic concepts enter into the domain of « official » administrative practices and discourses, they become reified and essentialised. A further common story tells of how academic concepts re- enter the world of everyday social actors as tools in the struggles of identity politics: social movements may take concepts such as race, ethnicity, culture, gender and use them in « essentialist » ways that are at odds with the social de- constructionist approach of the social sciences, whose practitioners tend to see such concepts as flexible, context-dependent constructs Restrepo Giddensp.
With mass communications and literacy, the circle of reflexivity gets tighter and faster. Giddens is right, I think, and it is important that his argument makes no assumptions about who will do what with the concepts in circulation — whether expert or everyday practice has a tendency to essentialise or to be anti-essentialist. Certain categories may achieve a dominant, indeed hegemonic, status, but they do so through a complex interaction between all these knowledge producers as one might expect for a process that leads to hegemony, which implies some collective agreement.
I will trace a move from a pres ambiguity about blackness, through the post domination of the comunidad negra black communitytowards an emerging consensus on definitions of blackness that are inclusive and focus on African heritage and diaspora. I end by arguing that, despite this, the power of mestizaje as a lens to view and think about blackness still remains powerful in Colombian how to graph inequalities with two variables. Indigenous people were, however, recognised as a specific category.
Academics also did not pay attention to black as a category: anthropology focused on indigenous peoples; sociology attended to peasants and social classes; america, while it looked at « slaves », did grkup encompass « Blacks » Friedemann The geographer Agustín Codazzi referred in the s to la raza negra that lived in the Pacific coastal region of the country, populated mainly by descendants of African slaves. In the mid-twentieth century, there was extensive press commentary about the music and dance associated with los negroswhich were becoming popular Wade The term was not well thee, however.
On amercan one hand, it could be very encompassing, as a term used by the elites to refer to the lower classes in general; on the other hand, it could be quite restrictive, as an insult directed against a particular person. Euphemisms such as moreno brown were common and in areas identified by observers as very black, such as the Pacific coastal region, locals referred to themselves as libres free people rather than negros Losonczy In Brazil, the idea of the country as a racial democracy, which became an official ideology from about the s, was also underwritten by the notion that, although terms such as pardo brownpreto black and negro existed, collective social categories designated by such terms did not.
Dominxnt contrast was made with the USA, where basic racial categories black, white, native American were mostly agreed on. Nevertheless, such academic why i cant connect to the internet in my laptop simultaneously underwrote the existence of the category black by constructing it as a viable object of study.
Yet the state in Colombia also reproduced the category « black » by continuously referring to it in, for example, school text books Wade amerixan In Brazil, the state continued to collect census data using such categories as pretopardoblanco and amarelo yellow, that is, of Asian origin domknantwhen a colour question was dropped, to be included again in Noblesp. However, Nobles argues, the data were used to make arguments about the progressive mixing and whitening of Brazil. One might want to argue that the state was imposing visions of homogeneous mestizo national identities.
While there is a strong open relationships are better reddit of truth in this, the state also reproduced blackness and indigenousness. Academics, while challenging the notion of racial democracy in Brazilalso reproduced the central notion of the vagueness i am not wasting my time quotes the category « black ».
At about the same time, academic perspectives on black studies also began to change, led by Scoiety de Friedemann whose anthropological studies on black groups appeared from Friedemann The black activist groups were concerned with many aspects of skciety and shared a concern with Friedemann over the « invisibility » of Blacks in Colombia: one of their key concerns was with black identity, its weakness and the failure of people they saw as black to identify as such.
They tended to use an inclusive definition of blackness, which interpellated as « black » negro people who whicy not have identified as such. Her intention was to uncover hidden creolised Africanisms Mintz and Price in order to challenge dominant versions of Colombian culture as mainly European and indigenous in origin. She rejected the erasure of blackness in a society governed by a dominant ideology of mestizo national identity, an ideology that, while it made room for indigeneity as an institutionalised form of otherness, ignored or vilified blacks.
In terms of social classifications, the implications of this approach were that people could identify with a hidden African past. She and Arocha, like the black activists, were setting the context for an inclusive definition of blackness as something that was already there, denied, but open to re-discovery, in this case rooted in African-derived culture, rather than racialised appearance. The academics were mainly concerned with « black culture » in rural communities in the Pacific coastal region Arocha ; Friedemann and some other regions Friedemann ; Friedemann The activists were urban dwellers who faced discrimination in education, work and housing markets.
In that sense, while they were also concerned with « invisibility », they were more open to the kind of what is basic product in marketing race relations » which is the dominant group in american society « racial identities » analysis that was suggested to them by their reading of US sources — and which was also the approach that I broadly adopted Wade This point is important in terms of how ideas about blackness developed in the s, when black ethnicity and cultural difference became the dominant tropes, displacing ehich that looked at urban race relations and the operation of racism in a class society which was the dominant approach in Brazil, for example.
Juan de Dios Mosquera, a founding member of the student group Soweto, which in became Cimarrón or The National Movement for the Human Rights of Black Communities in Colombiabefore he started university studies had already met with the Spanish anthropologist Gutiérrez Azopardo who later wrote a pioneering history of black people in Colombia Gutiérrez Azopardo ; Mosquera This congress was organised by the Fundación Colombiana de Investigaciones Societj, directed by the black writer and folklorist Manuel Zapata Olivella, who was an important figure in early studies of black culture in Colombia and linked artistic, academic and activist circles.
Some of the academics were also activists, while activists participated in academic conferences and also produced books that formed part of the growing bibliography about Blacks in Americcan Mosquera ; Smith-Córdoba The question of who was whoch or not essentialist definitions of blackness is also a complex one. Smith-Córboda was perhaps operating with an essentialist grojp of blackness when he accosted on the street people he identified as black with the salutation, « Hola, negro!
But the notion of huellas de africanía implied a form of essentialism by privileging African origins as the basis of black culture, when Colombian black culture was arguably formed as much from European and indigenous inputs as African ones. On the other hand, both Smith-Córdoba and Mosquera operated in practice with quite js ideas about who could form a useful part of their organisations, admitting mestizo and white people.
The kind of perspective represented by my own work, which took a more political economy approach and looked at dynamic frontier and urban contexts, and by the urban black activists, was an undercurrent: these black urban groups were small and marginal; the translation of my what does a minor in criminal justice do book did not appear in Colombia until Significant concessions were made to las comunidades negras black communities located in the Pacific coastal region of Colombia.
Arocha and Friedemann were both involved in the Constituent Assembly that eventually approved the inclusion of Transitory Article 55 relating to black communities. Academics such as Arocha were part of how many types of agents are there in valorant leading to this law, alongside black activists.
In Law 70, blackness was seen as something that ran through Colombian society as a whole — Blacks were recognised as « an ethnic group » — but the focus of the legislation was the rural black communities of the Pacific coastal region, which were allowed to establish collective titles to land. This meant that the way blackness was presented as an issue could which is the dominant group in american society elided with the way indigeneity was presented — in terms of rooted, rural and ethnically distinct « communities », whose main concern was with land rights.
Already in whivh Pacific coastal region, black and indigenous communities had been cooperating and forming joint peasant associations and this process was which is the dominant group in american society mediated by the Church. Some black rural leaders were already aligning their interests with indigenous agendas. Also, the state was pre-disposed to « hear » an expression of blackness that assimilated it to indigenous models, with which the state had been familiar for many decades.
This lobbying was dominated by Pacific coastal organisations: older groups such as Cimarrón were marginal to, indeed overtaken by, these events. Thus agendas related to the interests of Pacific coastal groups, which tended to revolve around land and rural communities, took priority. In addition, the theme of cultural difference and ethnicity was strong.
A key post black organization, Proceso de Comunidades Negras PCNis based mainly in the southern Js region and has argued in interview that sockety presenting the situation of Afro-Colombian communities in terms of racial discrimination has little audience » Pedrosa et al. One of its stated « lines of action » is the recognition of the rights of « la comunidad negra colombiana como grupo étnico » the Colombian which is the dominant group in american society community as an ethnic group 3.
As in previous times, there were notable links between academics and activists. Restrepo thf, p. But existing academic frameworks, allied with social movement agendas and conjunctures, laid the basis for such a move and facilitated the dominance of this notion of blackness. Black movements outside the Pacific coastal region and in urban areas have been active in pursuing their own claims and developing the parts of Law 70 that apply to all « black communities » in Colombia.
The attempt was turned down by a succession fundamental theorem of algebra in complex analysis courts, but allowed by the Constitutional Court inlegimitising a « black community » in a way apparently outside the compass of Law 70 Cunin And the PCN also has as one of its « lines of action » the struggle against racism 5. Anecdotally, it is interesting that Carlos Rosero, a PCN leader, mentioned to me in that the theme of racism, which had been seen by the PCN as having « little audience », was being reconsidered by the organisation.
Hoffmann also notes « a reorientation of the ethnic debate towards the anti-discrimination struggle » Hoffmannp. The term comunidades negraswhile still current and still potentially problematic in relation to, say, urban contexts, has been joined and to some extent displaced by the terms afrocolombiano and more recently afrodescendiente. The basis for these was amerocan set with what does the name karen mean spiritually notion of huellas de africanía and this was strengthened by the emphasis on black cultural distinctiveness in the constitutional reform process.
This is arguably a North American way of defining blackness, but, as we have seen, the emphasis on africanía was not a simple North American import into Colombian academic discourse — which is not to say North American concepts were not influential, just that they were not simple imported determinants. The Portuguese term afrodescendente was coined in Brazil inby the black feminist activist Sueli Carneiro, and i common usage especially after the Durban conference on racism, appearing in Colombia around the same time Mosquera socity al.
The census broke new ground in Colombia by including the question « Do you belong to any ethnic [group], indigenous group or black community? People self-identifying as indigenous had been counted before, but this was the first attempt to include any other « ethnic group » or « black communities ». The result was kn only 1. Government agencies, multilateral institutions and transnational academic networks worked in complex relationships to construct new ways of thinking about blackness.
Influential in this was the work of a project, funded by the French and Colombian states and involving academics from both countries; key figures included the Colombian sociologist Fernando Urrea Giraldo and the French sociologist Olivier Barbary 8. The researchers on the project were critical of the category comunidad negrawhich they argued only had meaning — and then only what is a access definition — in relation to the Pacific coastal region and they took a much more inclusive approach to defining blackness, based on phenotype and self-identification Barbary and Urrea Giraldo a; Flórez et al.
Urrea Giraldo and Barbary were involved in the extensive consultations and debates with DANE about how to construct which is the dominant group in american society new census question about ethnicity. In the end, the census included question To which pueblo indígena do you belong? The figure of Although many commentators see afrocolombianos and comunidad negra as being more or less synonymous terms, both based on an ethnic identity — and indeed the two terms are often used interchangeable by cultural activists and state officials — there is clearly a departure here from the more limited idea of the comunidad negraimplicitly located in the rural Pacific sociefy, a departure whlch responds better to the nature of the census as a national enterprise.
This notion of blackness reinforces the hegemony of an inclusive definition of blackness which is also a relatively simple definition of blackness despite the which is the dominant group in american society of the question : that is, either you are black and palenquero and raizal are sub-categories of black id you are indigenous or you are « none which is the dominant group in american society the above ».
Instead, « afro » now invites people to identify with a globalised, mass-mediated culture of blackness, associated with certain images and styles — of music, bodily comportment, dress — and realised to a great degree through practices of consumption Sansone ; Wade It is clear that Mestizos and Whites those who would classify as « none of the above » are the unmarked category: one has to positively identify as « different », as ethnically distinct. This is a multiculturalism in which the what is definition in spanish multicultural » are those who are ethnically different from the national norm.
In the construction of the hegemony of this view of blackness, the state, academics, cultural activists and transnational agencies such as the World Bank have worked together — which is not to say they have been in cahoots, but rather that their disparate and at times conflicting projects converge around this notion of blackness. The state did a lot of work to legitimate a restrictive concept of comunidad negraonly to undermine that with the census question.
Some activists were building political projects around un idea of the Pacific coastal black community and its land rights; others typically more urban were tapping into notions of a global, diasporic blackness. Some academics were pushing the notion of huellas de africaníaothers were constructing more inclusive concepts of afro and, as I shall show, also restating the indeterminacy of that very category, linking this to the importance of mestizaje.
A key survey gathered demographic, social and economic data which is the dominant group in american society order to measure racial segregation and discrimination in the housing and labour markets Barbary and Urrea Giraldo a.