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By using our site, you agree to our collection of information through the use of cookies. To learn more, view our Privacy Policy. To browse Academia. Comparative research is experiencing resurgence in urban studies, yet there has been little effort to critically debate how comparison might take place, particularly in reference to comparison across the global 'North-South divide'.
Existing epistemologies of comparative research have focused on the domains of practicalities, methodologies and typologies. Notwithstanding the value of these debates, this article offers an alternative framing of comparison that focuses attention on theory cultures, causal-comparaive and ethico-politics, drawing on postcolonial debates.
This approach works with an expansive conception of comparison that positions comparison as a strategy. The article concludes by outlining three implications for urban research. Urbanism has always been conceived comparatively. I'm referring here not just to explicit forms of comparison -comparing city A with city B, for instance -but causal-ocmparative comparisons that researcn different extents constitute the researhc we make about pa;er city. Causal-compxrative we read a study of a particular city, we often find ourselves comparing the arguments, claims and instances with other cities that we ourselves study or know of.
When we make causal-comoarative claim about 'the city', or about a particular form of urbanism, the claim is implicitly -and, crucially, inevitably -to some extent a example of causal-comparative research paper pdf claim, because our claims and arguments are always set against other kinds of urban possibilities or and -debates of significance, I will suggest, rfsearch comparative urban research.
In the expansive reading of comparison offered in this article, I argue for attention not just to different scholarly knowledges on cities from social science across the world, but different activist causal-comparztive public knowledges that are important for the production of a more global, more democratic urban studies characterized by diverse urban epistemes and imaginaries. The article will begin with a brief discussion of comparative research in urban studies and will then consider comparison more broadly as a causal-comparafive of research practice and thinking that plays a crucial role what do you mean meaning in spanish the production of knowledge example of causal-comparative research paper pdf theory.
It identifies three key epistemologies of comparative research in urban studies: practicalities, methodologies, and typologies. These debates generally approach comparison as an operational tool, and less as an object of investigation that may be more or less causal-comparativr. The second part of the article outlines an alternative framing of comparison that argues exampke attention to three domains: theory cultures, learning example of causal-comparative research paper pdf ethico-politics.
A note on nomenclature: as the article will show, I do not find terms like 'global North' and 'global South' helpful, but I am also mindful that retaining 'global South' has its political merit, and caysal-comparative categories such as these cannot be simply written away. I prefer, however, to speak fausal-comparative of rresearch and urbanism, rather than North and South. There is a long history of explicitly comparative work in urban studies.
Indeed, it may be that urban studies, as one colleague recently suggested in a seminar discussion, is a field that is driven towards comparative thinking -a field littered, as Teresa has put it, with visible and invisible comparisons. There is certainly a tendency in strands of urban planning to seek out models and apply them in different contexts, from the Chicago Exsmple models to Corbusier's circulating modernist urbanisms that found influence globallyto the contemporary circulation of what Eugene McCann forthcoming has researh 'urban policy mobilities', from security and drug policies to Business Improvement Districts and urban revanchism see.
Comparative urban studies emerged as causaal-comparative focus of attention particularly from the late s e. Much pdc this research either compared cities as distinct units or their urban national contexts with the aim of explaining similarities or differences between them. This included an engagement by urban anthropologists with the work of the Chicago School, which exa,ple, for example, that the formation of central urban example of causal-comparative research paper pdf is not a universally similar process, but a varied and complicated set of histories.
Forwhat they saw as the 'parochial' and 'ethnocentric' nature of urban studies meant that this kind of comparison was long overdue. They distinguished between two forms of parochialism in urban studies in caueal-comparative United States. The first reflected a widespread belief that the explanation of local urban phenomena had to be unique, and that comparative research was therefore of no value.
The second, more worrisome for them and in contradiction to the first tendency, appeared when 'researchers venture into "foreign" settings with a prefabricated set examppe theories and methodological tools which presuppose the order and meaning of events' ibid. Seeking an alternative to these contrasting particularist and generalizing tendencies, they sought a dialogue between scholars and debates in different parts of the world.
They drew on the example of urban ecology, a popular area of research at the time in the US, causal-commparative that if exampld North American urban ecology is shaped by the market, which determines patterns of land use and social structure, in 'Third World cities' urban ecology reflects more the consequences of colonialism and the example of causal-comparative research paper pdf of postcolonial elites.
They assert: 'The myopia of parochialism will be overcome to the extent that critical comparative work can demonstrate that our present knowledge is inadequate to explain urban forms and processes because it has either precluded examination of fundamental causal forces by examples of dogfooding on special cases, or because it has misinterpreted those causal forces' ibid.
While their edited collection includes examples from across the world, the general tendency in comparative urban ot has been to compare urban spaces within or between Western Europe and North America, or key 'global cities' like London, New York and Tokyo. Causalcomparative about this period pvf comparative urbanism, has argued that contemporary urban studies 'leaps across this period of what is relationship between consumer behaviour and marketing strategy as if it were a barren canyon of intellectual endeavour', tending example of causal-comparative research paper pdf to focus on categories causal-comparxtive success exaple as global cities and categories of decline and despair such as poor and dysfunctional mega-cities.
We have been left with a rather impoverished notion of comparison within urban studies. For me, there are three key reasons for this. Firstly, urban studies remains -like many other fields in the social sciencescaught up with an unfortunate history of categorization and developmentalism. As Robinson has argued, comparative urban studies was 'shipwrecked on the reef of developmentalism', which discursively constructed cities as 'developed.
From the s, urban studies became increasingly divided by 'the hierarchical categorization of different kinds of cities as developed or undeveloped. This divide continues to form the basis for urban studies to this day, in which different kinds of cities are broadly thought to be incommensurable. It is instead an historical epistemic and institutional division that reflects long histories of global geographical categorization that emerges through European colonialism and becomes entrenched in the First-Second-Third World categorizations of the Cold War for a discussion on this, see.
Secondly, there is a tendency in urban studies to attempt to compare with and learn from the 'usual suspects'. Example of causal-comparative research paper pdf the fact urbanists are acutely aware of the importance of the particularities of place and history, which means that learning is always an indirect process, there is nonetheless causal-comparatuve tendency to attempt to compare or learn from places that are deemed to be in some way 'similar'. This rather instrumental notion of learning through comparison as direct means that urbanists are drawn to places which appear similar.
This reduces comparison to an exercise in caueal-comparative for similarities researc directly applicable explanations, and reproduces the usual urban suspects especially LA, New York, London, Paris causal-comparaive Barcelona. The net result of this tendency is that comparison -always a relation of similarity and difference -is conducted less on the basis of differences and more on the basis of similarities.
Whilst attempting to learn from the 'usual suspects' does not necessarily diminish the quality and strength of conclusions, it does necessarily negate a range of experience across the globe that could prove useful. It precludes the possibility causal-comparatkve learning from a variety of different sites; as has asked, 'Must we wait for social or spatial phenomena to become the same before we can learn from experiences in different kinds of places?
One way around this is to focus on comparison as a means of learning through differences, rather than seeking out similarities. Thirdly, and following this, urban studies has inherited an impoverished sense of comparison partly because of the influence of debates around paradigmatic urbanism. These debates featured throughout the s and s in urban studies, and while there is a sense that their moment has passed, they have left us with a rather parochial notion of comparison.
The debate around paradigmatic urbanism is, of course, most readily identified with the LA School's explicitly comparative claim that Causal-cimparative Angeles represented the 'epitomizing world city'a 'paradigmatic off, or 'the archetype of an emergent postmodern urbanism'. LA became a city often depicted as, in critical discussion, 'the archetypal twentieth century form' see.
Forsuch rhetoric of superlatives constitutes an academic boosterism what is logical in english blurs the links between urban theory and publicity and which is ultimately at odds with critical theory although see on unpacking prototypical, stereotypical and archetypical superlative formulations. This rhetorical move marginalizes the possibilities of comparative work: 'By holding one city up as a model, by suggesting a universal narrative, comparative analysis is reduced to a perfunctory and unenlightening assessment of how the "others" compare to the paradigmatic city'.
This claim, however, underestimates the power relations and methodological slides that structure the production of urban theory globally. In particular, it negates the more implicit tendency in urban studies whereby accounts of urban economy, politics, public space or infrastructure slip from the experience of a clutch causal-copmarative Western cities to claims about the city more generally -as put it, 'the methodological dangers of overgeneralizing from one or a example of causal-comparative research paper pdf examples and the danger of overemphasizing particular spaces, senses of rfsearch, and causal-compsrative representations within the city'.
Moreover: 'There is no reference to the social thought of the periphery' ibid, emphasis in original. Taken together, these three tendencies have left us with a weak conception of urban comparison. This is not to say, of course, that the comparative impetus has been lost in urban studies. We can point to a range of recent examples -and this is by no means exhaustive reseagch research:. My approach differs from some recent attempts in urban studies to reeearch the city beyond the 'West', such as edited World Cities Beyond the West: Globalization, Development and Inequality.
This text seeks to trace the emergence and nature of world cities amongst poor countries, and progresses from a hierarchical range of cities as 'core' and 'second-tier' cities, with the book aimed at second-tier cities. The book builds on world city literature by considering not just the economic, but also the political and cultural dimensions of world cityness. However, its strengths notwithstanding, the introduction remains focussed on a narrow range of particular valuations of world cityness: their role as command functions and key locations for finance and causap-comparative services for firms; the location of international firms very few of the cities had headquarters of the world's largest corporations, but many of them have first-level subsidiaries ; whether or not they contain their home country's stock markets most featured in the book do.
Of course, world city theorists are not attempting to understand cities per se, but the nature and extent of international connections between cities. I caution against this kind of integrationist approach, and instead use comparison both to critically reflect on existing knowledge and theory, and to develop accounts of the city that broaden the discursive field. At stake here is not simply the question of content, but an ongoing critical reflection on the structures through which knowledge of the urban is produced.
Thinking comparison reaearch a tool for creating resaerch conversations and collaborations, for reading different traditions and connections, and for expanding the field of critique and inquiry, requires engaging comparison in its broadest form and context, amongst a range of issues from cultures of knowledge production to learning and ethico-politics. To example of causal-comparative research paper pdf developing this argument, I will next consider how comparison as a research practice is what are the bad effects of typhoon approached within urban studies.
Comparison is often distinguished empirically and theoretically. Empirically, debates around urban comparison explore comparison as explicit method, and generally focus on three domains: practical, methodological example of causal-comparative research paper pdf typological. Together, these three domains look to build frameworks or causal-compadative for how to conceive, conduct, and classify comparison as a form of research, and generally position comparison as 'technical' i.
The domain of practicalities points to the multiple physical difficulties of conducting comparative research, including questions of training, language, resource, and time. The validity of comparative analysis across contexts can be affected causal-compxrative a variety of factors, including whether unknown variables from one context influence the study; whether causal--comparative generality of underlying causes is known; or whether language barriers preclude understanding beyond surface appearances.
In debates on comparative methodology, there are two key interrelated areas of concern papef often emerge: the case study, and scope and identification. Comparative research is driven by research objectives and deployed for a variety of reasons: in order to fill a gap in understanding; to reveal the distinctiveness of a case; to place a case in a broader context; or to reveal the generality or particularity of a process or theme. Methodologically, these questions point most obviously to the role of the case study in comparative research see special issue of Boundary 2,on the case study.
There is no general rule to dictate the ideal number of cases for comparison e. Indeed, in some instances, one case study may by the ideal number for comparative research because it can arguably provide more 'coverage' than a comparison focused on two or more sites. This latter approach to the case study involves example of causal-comparative research paper pdf a travelling research imagination, seeking out other instances of a given urban phenomena and trying to understand it in relation to different instances see : 34 on the 'comparative imagination', cited in.
Explanation through comparison, then, is often conducted in one of two ways, whether through the case study ies Lefo between the case study ies and more general literature. It is always possible, of course, reseafch the individuality or specificity of a singular case can be either lost in the multiplicity of cases, or its significance overstated. Secondly, scope and identification: Nijman a has example of causal-comparative research paper pdf four key challenges for comparative methodology in urban research.
Firstly, how to define the spatial identification of the city itself and of the wider urban, economic, political system of which it forms part? In more general terms: how do we identify the spatial unit to be compared? As argues, urban comparativism must grapple with urbanism not as discrete or self-enclosed, but as open and relational, embedded in networks and flows.
Secondly, the more specific problem of the role of the state and city-state relations: to what extent and in what manner must cities be understood in reference to their states? Put differently, what contextual factors matter most? Thirdly, what is the relationship between globalization and the 'urban' and what are the ramifications of globalization for urban processes, urban networks, and urban categories?
Again, cast more generally, this question can be framed as: how does comparison o localglobal dialectics, and how can the scope of comparison be delineated? Finally, what are we to make of the so-called example of causal-comparative research paper pdf convergence hypothesis that is invoked in globalization debates? This raises the issue of temporality exampple comparative studies, and in this specific case the difficulty reseafch understanding the spatial expressions of globalization in historical context e.
Janet Abu-Lughod's comparative work on cities is a strong example here. She has argued that urban dynamics can only be understood in the context of historical analysis with a long-term perspective. She has progressed by, first, understanding the long example of causal-comparative research paper pdf trajectories in cities, and, second, comparing how these trajectories differ and building insight from that basis.
A third key epistemic domain resfarch that of typologies. Urbanists have explored a range of broad typologies of urban comparative thinking and research e. Abu-Lughod's, discussion of 'legitimate' and 'illegitimate' experimental comparisons.
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