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We analyze class structures in Latin America from a sociological perspective, defining social classes as labor market positions. We propose an adaptation of the Erikson-Goldthorpe-Portocarero EGP class schema, which has become a standard in advanced industrialized countries but presents some limitations in accounting for labor relations in Latin America. Our results indicate that class structures differ significantly not only between Latin America and relatuonships industrialized nations but also among Latin American countries.
Relatonships is also can different class relationships work close association between class membership and socioeconomic conditions, including social protection and the risk of poverty. These results can different class relationships work that dufferent sociological approach to social class is still pertinent to understanding the what is a abusive relationship called among clxss structures, labor relatiojships, and living conditions in Latin America.
En este trabajo analizamos las estructuras de clase en América Latina AL desde una perspectiva sociológica, que define las clases sociales como posiciones en el mercado de trabajo. Proponemos adaptar el esquema de Erikson-Goldthorpe-Portocarero EGPque es de uso generalizado en países de industrialización temprana, pero tiene algunas limitaciones para dar cuenta de las relaciones de trabajo en AL.
Luego, usamos datos recientes de encuestas de nueve países de AL para delinear un mapa de las estructuras de clase y explorar la asociación entre la pertenencia de clase y las condiciones sociales y económicas. Nuestros resultados indican que las estructuras de clase no sólo difieren significativamente entre AL y los países de industrialización temprana, sino también entre países latinoamericanos.
Esto sugiere que una mirada sociológica a las clases sociales es todavía pertinente para entender las relaciones entre las relatilnships productivas, los mercados de trabajo y las condiciones de vida en AL. Sociological research on class stratification and mobility has reemerged in Latin America. These studies have increased our understanding of class structures and intergenerational class mobility patterns in the region.
Parallel to worm research, economists have also developed a new interest in social class and social mobility Behrman et al. There is an obvious overlap in research topics between sociological and economic studies. However, integration and cross-disciplinary efforts are scarce. This is explained in part by disciplinary differences in the theoretical approach to social class and mobility Grusky and Kanbur From this perspective, occupational mobility is interpreted as social mobility.
In contrast, economic studies define social classes as statistical strata in a distribution of income, wealth, or other economic resources, or can different class relationships work on the basis of patterns and levels of consumption. In the economic approach, social mobility takes place when individuals or families experience changes in their position in this distribution, across either a continuous scale or predefined thresholds that mark the limits difffrent strata i.
The sociological approach to can different class relationships work class highlights the role of occupational positions as institutionalized entities that mediate between individuals and social rewards. On the other hand, a defining trait of the sociological approach is that the association between class can different class relationships work and living conditions is probabilistic, not deterministic. Given that sociological classes are defined in the space of labor market positions, the extent of this association depends on the correlation what is marketing explain with example these positions and distributional inequalities, a correlation that is assumed by sociologists but not often empirically analyzed Grusky and Kanburparticularly in Latin America Solís and Boado This characteristic is problematic for economists, who are mainly interested on directly describing inequalities in economic conditions, and therefore view the sociological approach as an inefficient method to characterize such inequalities.
In summary, sociological class analysis emphasizes the structural foundations of social positions but offers only an indirect approach to distributional inequalities. Consequently, the utility of class analysis in studies of inequality depends on the strength of the empirical association between class membership and the distribution of resources, both economic and not economic.
The goal of this article is precisely to demonstrate that a sociological approach to social class in Latin America not only is relevant to characterize labor market positions and identify national similarities what is connection meaning in hindi differences in class structures but also contributes to understand social and economic difverent.
To achieve this, a first step is to discuss the concept of social class and its empirical implementation in the Latin American context. This schema was developed initially for European countries but has been extensively used in other regions of the world, including Latin America. Even when labor conditions in European labor markets have deteriorated in recent decades, particularly among youth Breman and Linden ; Blossfeldand some Latin American countries experienced an improvement in labor conditions during the s Wellerthe gaps between these two regions in terms of the heterogeneity of productive structures and the segmentation sork labor markets is still significant.
Therefore, an important question is whether a class schema such as EGP is appropriate claws depict the specific features of Latin American class structures. In the next section we briefly describe the EGP schema and discuss its main limitations to characterize occupational positions in Latin America. This leads us to propose an adapted version of the Can different class relationships work schema that attempts to solve these shortcomings.
We dlfferent this adapted schema to conduct an empirical description of class structures and the association between social class and social conditions in nine Latin American countries Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, El Salvador, Mexico, Nicaragua, Peru, and Uruguayincluding selected markers of social protection and monetary income. The EGP class schema was designed to analyze the process of class formation through social mobility in Western European countries Erikson, Goldthorpe, and Portocarero ; Goldthorpe et al.
The point of departure is the distinction of three major class positions: 1 employers, or those who hire the labor of others; 2 self-employed without employees, or independent workers who neither buy the labor of others nor sell their own; and 3 employees, or those who sell their labor to employers. In addition to this primary division, a second major distinction is introduced among employees, between those who are engaged in labor contract or service labor relations. This separation captures the differentiation in labor relations among salaried workers in can different class relationships work capitalism noted by sociologists such as Renner and Dahrendorf, between the traditional working class, composed of manual workers with labor contracts based on a short-term exchange of money for labor under conditions of direct supervision, and a service class, composed fundamentally of managerial and supervisory staff and professionals who are engaged in longer-term salaried relationships and often possess a higher degree of autonomy, some extent of delegated authority, and specialized skills.
Two characteristics of the EGP owrk are particularly important for our discussion. First, the key principle of classification is the type rellationships labor relationship. To be clear, the can different class relationships work uses other characteristics i. However, advances in comparability might have come at a high price because this schema fails to adequately capture three important sources of heterogeneity in Latin American labor markets: the distinction between formal and informal salaried workers, the heterogeneous job conditions differet self-employed workers, and the conformation of a separate class integrated by economic and bureaucratic elites.
The distinction between formal and informal salaried workers derives from the important role of the informal sector in the structuration of labor relations in Latin America. There are two predominant perspectives of the informal sector Portes and Schauffler ; Cortés ; Gasparini and Tornarolli : the structuralist or productive perspective and the regulationist perspective. The structuralist perspective focuses on the heterogeneity in productivity levels among firms and defines informal workers as those in low-productivity firms Tokman Causal models in epidemiology structural heterogeneity was initially described by Latin American economists and structural sociologists such as Prebisch, Furtado, and Pinto Di Filippo y Jadue ; Feito Alonso ; Pinto as a situation in which two economic sectors coexist, one with high productivity, closer to that can different class relationships work advanced industrialized nations but unable to absorb the complete labor force, and the other in which productivity levels are much lower and subsistence economic activities prevail.
The regulationist perspective emphasizes labor conditions and defines informal jobs as those that are not legally or formally regulated and therefore do not offer job protection and benefits Portes et al. Labor relations are often embedded in kinship, friendship, or acquaintance ties, and salaries, job benefits, and job security tend to be significantly lower than in the formal sector. This association would relationsips concealed if we adopted the regulationist perspective, because indicators of labor regulation e.
The diversity in labor relations associated with structural heterogeneity is not captured by the original EGP scheme. We propose including an additional distinction between workers in formal and informal firms. This distinction is particularly relevant for manual salaried workers, but it also applies to routine nonmanual workers, and cclass to sales employees, where heterogeneity in productive units and labor conditions is higher Cortés and Cuéllar A second characteristic of Latin American labor markets is the heterogeneity in labor conditions among self-employed workers.
The EGP scheme divides self-employed workers in three groups: first, the class of agricultural self-employed workers IVca category originally devised to include independent farmers with relatively high productivity levels in advanced industrialized nations, but in most Latin American countries mainly comprises peasants in subsistence farming or with very low productivity levels.
Second, independent professionals, who are engaged in freelance service labor relations and therefore classified in the service class. Finally, self-employed workers in nonagricultural positions IVb. In Latin America, class IVb incorporates a very heterogeneous mix of occupations. It includes specialized manual workers who offer their services as freelancers, but also unskilled workers in a variety of activities, such as street sales, food vending, or cleaning services, who are subject to insecure work conditions and often engage in disguised precarious salaried labor relations.
Relatinships self-employed occupations of this kind have also been linked to the expansion of the informal sector, because they often represent an alternative to the absence of employment opportunities or at least well-paid opportunities in relxtionships firms. We argue that labor conditions and remunerations are significantly different for skilled and unskilled self-employed workers, and therefore suggest creating a division within class IVb to account for these differences.
Finally, we propose a third distinction at the top of workk EGP class scheme class I. In advanced industrialized countries, the expansion and increasing heterogeneity of the higher service class has led some researchers to suggest a subdivision between large employers and high-level managers, can different class relationships work the one hand, and professionals, on the other.
The arguments for this distinction have been that these two groups are engaged in different labor relations, can different class relationships work subject to different mobility patterns, and even present contrasting political attitudes Güveli, Can different class relationships work, and De Graaf ; Gerber and Hout This distinction is probably also important in Latin America, where economic and political elites not only are more privileged in economic and social conditions, but also separate themselves from professionals in patterns of social reproduction and intergenerational mobility Torche ; Solís y Boado As a result of the previous discussion, we introduce several can different class relationships work to the EGP scheme.
These adaptations are summarized in Table 1. We propose a similar distinction for lower-grade routine nonmanual employees IIIba group comprising mostly sales workers. Second, we separate skilled or semiskilled from unskilled and self-employed workers. Finally, at the top of the class structure we distinguish large employers, high-level managers, and professionals with employees from salaried and self-employed professionals. As we have discussed, this adaptation creates a separate group for economic and bureaucratic elites.
In Table 2 what do the blue check marks mean on tinder present a complete version of the adapted EGP schema. This schema is compatible either with a ten-class or a seven-class version of the original EGP schema, thus allowing for comparability with other studies. We use data from household surveys conducted by national statistical offices.
We defined three requirements for inclusion of countries in our analysis: the clasw and documentation were available to the public; the surveys were conducted in the period —; and the surveys included sufficient information to derive the proposed class scheme as well as selected indicators of social protection and household income.
With the exception of Argentina, all surveys have a cause and effect between two variables experiment geographic coverage. The appendix presents the most relevant methodological characteristics of these surveys. We classified workers in the informal sector using as a proxy the size of the firm, with a cutoff point of ten workers.
This approach is frequent in empirical studies adopting the productivist approach. Productivity levels cannot be assessed with standard household surveys, and previous research has shown that there is a direct link between firm size and productivity in Latin America. The crossing of this information produced a comparable classification of the working population in each country according to the schema presented in Table 2.
We propose to analyze class inequalities across two dimensions: social protection and income. Most national household surveys collect information in these two dimensions. However, rleationships specific questions and methods of recollection vary significantly across countries. To maximize the number of countries included, we restricted our analysis to a limited number of variables and indicators.
In the case of social protection, we focus on three variables: labor contract protection, inclusion in a retirement pension program, and health insurance coverage. For labor contract protection, we classified salaried workers according to whether they have a signed labor contract. In the case of retirement pensions, we identified salaried workers contributing or not to a public rifferent private pension fund.
As regards monetary income, we work with the household per capita income. A methodological problem is that our definition of social class is measured at the individual level, and therefore one household may include working individuals with different class positions. On the basis of previous research Solís and Benza ; Davies and Eliaswe assigned each household a class position according to what is a composition relationship between two objects following set of rules: For households with only one working member, we assigned the social class of that member.
For households with two or more working members, we assigned the class of the member with the highest monetary income. For households with no working members, we created a separate group of households with no working members. We use the calculations of household income provided by the national statistical what are the basic functions of marketing and included in the microdata files.
There are significant methodological differences across countries in these calculations. For example, there is variation in the phrasing and scope of questions used to register the different sources of income. There are also differences in reference periods, in the inclusion of different sources of income, in the way can different class relationships work deductions are managed, diferent in the use of explicit or implicit methods of imputation. As Beccaría concluded after analyzing a previous round — of household Latin American surveys, these methodological differences may significantly affect the comparability of estimations.
However, comparability problems are more likely to arise if we try to contrast absolute income levels rather than the relative position of classes in the income distribution. For worrk reason, our analysis is based exclusively on relative indicators of income. The first indicator is the relative income share by social class.
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